James Bannon (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

The heavy boots of war are on, and we are being whipped into line by the Supreme Court judgment in the X case that was made 21 years ago, which found that abortion was legal under the Constitution if there was a real and substantial threat to the life of the mother.

The Bill is a reflection of the fact that we have not met the needs of women in the intervening years. What we need to do even at this late stage is to eliminate systematically the root causes of abortion for the 5,000 women who travel abroad for abortions each year. I believe the situation is due to a lack of primary and practical resources and emotional support for women in crisis in this country. No woman deserves to have an abortion and no compassionate person wants a woman to suffer through the personal tragedy of abortion. We all have met women in this House in the past few months who have had abortions in their teens and early 20s. They told us about the mental and emotional darkness they entered after they had the abortion. Many were in tears as they told us about the immense psychological toll their abortion had on them which caused guilt, depression and great sorrow. Abortion advocates pit women against children. Lack of resources and support are the real enemies. We cannot overlook or fail to provide proper support for women. Abortion hurts women and lack of support often forces women into abortions abroad. As a civilised country we should be empowering rather than abandoning women.

I hope calm will prevail in the debate on this very sensitiveissue. I am extremely anxious that any legislation will not be rushed through on Report Stage. I accept ample time has been given to Members on Second Stage to debate this important issue. The most important aspect of the legislation is that it shows the need to bring clarityfor the womenof Ireland and those treating them. The silent majority in this country do not see suicidal intent as a valid reason for an abortion procedure. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court held that the threat of suicide was a ground for getting an abortion. I said it before and I say it again that I am very concerned about the inclusion of suicidal intent as a ground for abortion. It has been pushed by many people as a means to deliver abortion on demand in this country. Suicidal intent is impossible to predict and equally impossible to define. The risk of suicide should not be included as a ground for abortion. I pointed that out in my meeting with the Taoiseach and the Minister for Health.

Given the alarming rates of suicide in this country, if we knew how to predict when people would take their own lives, then we would know how to prevent suicide. Suicidal intent is due to immeasurable and painful circumstances. It is something internal to a person, impossible to predict with any degree of accuracy, and therefore not a sufficient reason for abortion. Abortion is not a Catholic or religious issue.It is a seriously lethal violation of fundamental human rights. The demands of justice, generosity and compassion require the right to life be guaranteed to every person regardless of age, sex, race condition of dependency, disability or stage of development. If we as legislators ever allow abortion on demand, one could ask what answers we would give the unborn victims when explaining our actions. One only has to look to the UK where 6 million babies have been killed by abortion since 1967 and the USA where 55 million have been killed since 1973. That toll is a staggering loss of babies' lives and equates to the entire population of England and Ireland.

The issue of abortion in cases of potential suicide is very much a serious concern. It is a particularly grey area and one that could be open to abuse. If the suicidal intent provision is included in the legislation, it will require medical guarantees and judgments, which will be extremely difficult given that a decision would have to be made in what would necessarily be a fraught and rushed scenario. I would welcome a view from the Minister on these particular issues. If we decide that abortion is the only way to treat suicidal intention then are we concluding that abortion is the only form of necessary mental health treatment? The Minister for Health is a medical person and I hope he will respond to that point also. One could ask what alarm bells or markers will help to identify that a woman is going to commit suicide and how we will know that these markers are accurate. That is a considerable issue for the ordinary person in the street who has no legal background. We need answers to those questions. Is there evidence to suggest that abortion is an appropriate treatment for suicide? What evidence exists to suggest that a woman who had an abortion had a better quality of mental health afterwards? Could the Minister cite the studies in those cases? If a woman presents with suicidal intent, will any other treatment be considered other than abortion? If this is not a mental health problem, then why are we introducing legislation that compels two psychiatrists to make this decision?

While I fully agree with the need for legal certainty and clear guidelines for pregnant women, I do not believe the unintentional death of a baby while medical care is given to the mother should be regarded as abortion. The Catholic Church - of which I am a member - despite accusations to the contrary, does not teach that the life of the child in the womb should be preferred to that of a mother, but that bothare sacred, with an equal right to life.

Can I get a guarantee such intervention is only ethically permissible provided every option has been exhausted to save both the mother and child? In addition, where a seriously ill pregnant woman needs medical treatment that may put the life of a child at risk, such intervention is ethically permissible, provided every option has been exhausted, to save them both. As matters stand, the Medical Council's guidelines are clear. Women in pregnancy must receive all necessary medical treatment to protect their lives, even where the death of a baby unavoidably results. The Supreme Court has already established that women with complications whose lives are at risk must have or be allowed therapeutic intervention.

I revert to the United Kingdom, which is not that far away from us, where 6 million abortions have taken place since it was introduced into law in 1967. This is now leading to a situation where people consider it a right to abort on grounds of sex or even to take matters to extremes, such as eye colour. This also has been the case in Jersey, where a rigorous process of assessment was introduced and one now has pre-stamped forms in respect of selected-sex abortions.

Why are Members afraid to get the maximum consensus on the correct things to do? The only way to achieve this is by a country-wide referendum as 21 years have elapsed since a referendum was last held on this issue. A new referendum would be the only way to gauge the view of the country and then to adhere to the wishes of the people on this matter. While there has been much levying of abuse on the situation in Ireland and the lack of availability of abortion on demand, it might be more appropriate to consider the benefits of such a determining by the State. How can the Minister allay the real concerns of the many decent people throughout Ireland and beyond at the prospect of this legislation, which ultimately could lead to abortion on demand? At the outset, I stated the case where the life of the mother is at risk for medical reasons is clear-cut but the inclusion of the threat of suicide is less so. Furthermore, it is for the Irish people and legislators to make our laws and not feel compelled by the perception of international scrutiny or pressure that goes against our culture and beliefs.

On a personal level, I would prefer to have a free vote on this legislation. As a Government and as elected public representatives from all parties, Members must examine their consciences as to the rights and wrongs in this legislation and on their right to be judge and jury over the lives of the unborn. Many Members have on many occasions raised the issue of human rights violations by authoritarian governments around the world, such as those of Burma, North Korea and Syria. As legislators, are Members safeguarding the right to life of the unborn in this legislation? This is a matter on which I seek greater clarity.

As I stated, abortion is not a Catholic issue but is an issue of human rights. Collectively, Members must look at the long term and take serious cognisance of the long-term implications of this legislation on Irish society in years to come. Before I conclude, I must repeat that I am completely opposed to abortion on demand and would not stand over any legislation that would introduce abortion on demand into Ireland.

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