Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)

I propose to take Questions Nos. 7, 15 and 42 together.

The Government welcomed the adoption by the United Nations Security Council of Resolution 1973 which demanded the immediate establishment of a ceasefire in Libya as well as a complete end to violence and attacks against civilians. Resolution 1973 authorised the establishment of a no-fly zone over Libya as well as "all necessary" additional measures in order to help protect civilians. The Government supports the implementation of Resolution 1973 in a manner that is proportionate, targeted and avoids civilian casualties.

Today, civilians in Libya remain under attack by Colonel Gadaffi, including through indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas and the use of cluster munitions. The text of Resolution 1973 specifically authorises member states:

to take all necessary measures...to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack in [Libya]...while excluding a foreign occupation force of any form on any part of Libyan territory.

NATO has stated that its aerial actions to protect Libyan civilians by disabling the command structure and weapons being used by the regime are entirely in line with the resolution. Troops on the ground are specifically prohibited by the resolution and are not envisaged.

In implementing Resolution 1973, NATO appears to be taking the utmost care to avoid civilian casualties, in stark contrast to the deliberate targeting of civilians by Colonel Gadaffi's forces. I am aware of unconfirmed reports of the death of civilians, including relatives of Colonel Gadaffi, in a NATO bombing raid on Libya in May. The Libyan regime is tightly restricting information from Libya, so it is impossible at present to confirm the truth of such reports. NATO has stated that it regrets any loss of life and emphasised that all NATO targets are military; it does not target individuals. I welcome the assurances already provided that protecting civilians is the sole purpose of military operations now under way and that no actions will be contemplated which are not in strict accordance with the terms of Resolution 1973.

The aim of the current military, political and diplomatic action by the international community is to end the violence and promote a political settlement to the conflict in Libya. There are no circumstances in which one could envisage Colonel Gadaffi being part of this settlement. The vast majority of the Libyan people could not accept Gadaffi continuing as their Head of Government, in light of the violence and repression he has visited upon them and his repeated refusal to comply with Resolutions 1970 and 1973. However, calling for Gadaffi to relinquish power does not amount actively to seeking regime change. Colonel Gadaffi is, of course, the subject of investigation by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court who is now seeking an arrest warrant for alleged crimes against humanity. Ultimately, it remains for Colonel Gadaffi and those around him to draw their own conclusions and recognise that his regime has no political future in Libya.

In order to increase the diplomatic pressure on Gadaffi, both the United Nations and the European Union have adopted hard-hitting sanctions against the Gadaffi regime. The EU promptly implemented the measures in Resolution 1973 including an assets freeze, arms embargo and travel ban, and later added additional individuals and entities, including investment companies and other institutions linked to the regime. The EU has also been actively involved in diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict and most recently established a technical office in Benghazi to support Libyan efforts to rebuild their society in opposition-held territory. The role of the UN Secretary General's Special Envoy Al Khatib in exploring what scope exists for a political resolution to the crisis, beginning with a complete and verifiable ceasefire, is also critical and one which Ireland fully supports.

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