Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, concerned at the deadlock of the democratic process in Zimbabwe following the elections of 29 March 2008, the reported widespread violence and the ongoing humanitarian crisis in that country:

calls on the African Union and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) to lead international pressure for a democratic and peaceful resolution to the current crisis;

supports the Irish Government's efforts to raise the issue as a matter of urgency at international level and, in particular, with South Africa and with Irish Aid's programme countries in the SADC (Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Lesotho and Tanzania);

welcomes UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's call for a UN role to resolve the crisis while the current democratic deadlock persists, and the active role being played by the EU;

regrets the delays in completion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe which is only contributing to growing uncertainty and instability within Zimbabwe and the wider region;

deplores the widespread reports of serious post-election violence in Zimbabwe, including killings, forced evictions, human rights repressions and threats, beatings and torture of opposition supporters, election workers, trade unionists, police, medical workers and all other individuals;

stresses the urgent need for the ending of all such violence and for the creation of a political and social environment conducive to the peaceful conclusion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe, free of all intimidation and violence and guaranteeing full respect for freedom of assembly, movement and expression;

calls for the broadest and most effective international observation in the event of any further rounds of voting and campaigning in Zimbabwe;

welcomes the continuing assistance which Irish Aid is giving to the people of Zimbabwe and looks forward to supporting the reconstruction of Zimbabwe's democratic institutions and the protection of its economic assets; and

looks forward to re-establishing warm relations with the parliament of Zimbabwe following a successful democratic conclusion to the election process.

All of us in this House are here on the basis of our democratic mandates by the will of the people we represent, freely expressed through the secrecy of the ballot box. Free and fair elections are the basis of our people's faith in democracy. In the end, no matter what external forces may operate, it is their wishes that prevail. That is why all of us as democrats have been so appalled by what has happened in Zimbabwe over the past six weeks and why we are all determined, across party lines, to make our views clear and to contribute in any way we can to rectification of the situation.

I am glad that it has proved possible to agree between us the terms of the motion I have read and that the House will speak with a clear voice on a matter about which the people of Ireland rightly care a great deal.

The Government is deeply concerned at the grave and deteriorating political, economic and human rights situation in Zimbabwe. We support all efforts aimed at achieving an outcome to the electoral process which fully accords with democratic principles and Zimbabwean law. I am personally shocked by the reports we have received of organised, systematic and vicious attacks on opposition supporters throughout Zimbabwe, above all in the period since the elections on 29 March. It is estimated that at least 20 people have been killed and approximately 7,000 hospitalised. What appears to be a new and appalling development is that many of those who have been brutally beaten and tortured have been prevented from seeking medical care afterwards, exacerbating their injuries.

I applaud the courage the Zimbabwean people have shown in exercising their right to vote on 29 March. We in Ireland are fortunate in being able to take our democratic rights and freedoms for granted and it is humbling to see how much these rights are valued by the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. Despite the pervasive atmosphere of violence and intimidation, the election appears to have been conducted reasonably fairly. The publication of parliamentary results was effected reasonably swiftly. Then, of course, the long saga over the publication of the presidential results, a saga that would have been almost farcical were it not so serious, began.

On 2 May, the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission, ZEC, finally announced results from the presidential election of more than a month earlier. Despite concerns about the underlying conditions in which the election took place, allegations of tampering with ballot papers during the extended count process and the unacceptable delay in announcing the results, the results make it plain that President Mugabe no longer commands majority support in Zimbabwe. Parliamentary results, which were confirmed by a recount about which many were very suspicious in advance, show that the Zanu-PF party of the president has lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980.

ZEC has announced that a run-off of the presidential election will take place between President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, MDC. Although Zimbabwean law states that the run-off should take place within 21 days, as of today ZEC has not yet announced the date of this run-off. Every day that passes sees more brutality and intimidation by supporters of the regime against ordinary people in an attempt to sway the eventual result.

I welcome the decision of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to participate in the second round despite the conditions in which that vote is likely to take place. No matter how difficult the situation, for him to have decided not to stand would have left the field open to President Mugabe to claim a victory, however hollow.

I believe that recent events have given rise to a strong sense of revulsion in the southern African region. Regional leaders who are striving to improve election standards and to promote the rule of law and protection of human rights in their own countries have been horrified by the behaviour of President Mugabe's regime and the men of violence acting on his behalf.

At a Southern African Development Community, SADC, summit in Lusaka last month, SADC leaders called for strict compliance with the rule of law and SADC's own principles for the conduct of democratic elections. They also urged the government of Zimbabwe to ensure that any second round of the presidential election which takes place does so in a secure environment. The level of popular disquiet across southern Africa was effectively demonstrated by the refusal of ordinary workers to deal with a planned arms shipment to Zimbabwe, which in the end could not be delivered.

This Government fully supports the existing EU visa ban and asset freeze directed at key Zimbabwean leaders. The conclusions adopted by the General Affairs and External Relations Council on 29 April make it quite clear that the EU will consider adopting further measures against those responsible for directing and engaging in the current state-sponsored campaign of violence and intimidation.

However, to be brutally realistic, the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy and the isolation of the Mugabe regime have greatly reduced international leverage on the Zimbabwean authorities. In these circumstances, those regional actors who have the greatest influence on Zimbabwe bear the greatest responsibility to act, perhaps South Africa most of all.

Ireland and the EU have long supported the talks which President Mbeki of South Africa, on behalf of SADC, has facilitated between Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the opposition MDC party. Agreement was reached last year on certain constitutional changes and on updating the electoral register and if all the agreements reached had been fully implemented, this would have gone some way towards securing a level playing field for elections. It must be acknowledged that one outcome of President Mbeki's mediation, the posting of election results outside polling stations, has helped to foil some of the efforts which have been made to distort the election process.

Ireland and the EU continue to support the efforts of Zimbabwe's neighbours to bring about peace and democracy in Zimbabwe and will judge their success on the basis of what they can achieve in practice. The political culture of the region means that much of what happens behind the scenes is not generally known publicly. We strongly believe that African leadership is the key to encouraging progress towards economic and political stability and we urge African leaders, not least President Mbeki, to live up to their principles and to shoulder their particular responsibilities.

I know that many European leaders have been in contact with key regional leaders to convey the EU's concerns at the highest level. Throughout the southern African region, local EU presidencies have conveyed the EU's concerns to our government partners. Indeed Irish ambassadors throughout Africa have met with representatives of their host governments to explain Ireland's position and to urge African leadership in support of democracy and the protection of human rights in Zimbabwe. We believe that the African Union can make a contribution to promoting the standards and principles on which Africa has chosen to base its future development.

The Government also fully supports any further action that can be taken in the UN framework to bring positive influence to bear on the situation in Zimbabwe. The UN Secretary General has publicly expressed concern about the post-electoral situation and the prevalence of violence, as well as calling for the release of election results.

The European Union continues to urge the Government of Zimbabwe to put in place the necessary conditions for a free and fair second round of the presidential election. These conditions include respect for freedom of assembly and of the media, as well as an end to violence directed against opposition supporters.

International and national election monitors have played an important role in the Zimbabwean electoral process so far and I strongly support their presence on the ground going forward. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that the EU or the UN will be invited to send an electoral observation mission to Zimbabwe. President Mugabe has tried to negotiate about EU and UN monitors, setting as the price of their presence the lifting of targeted measures against himself and others responsible for the horrific violence of the past few weeks. I do not believe that the EU should give in to that kind of blackmail. It is appropriate that we once again make clear that the measures we have taken are not sanctions affecting the ordinary people of Zimbabwe, who have already suffered so much, but are aimed exclusively at those in charge.

Being unable to deploy election monitors itself, the EU will work with regional organisations — the African Union and SADC — to ensure that the elections are in line with newly developed African best practice standards. The more international monitors deployed in the field, the better. Even the presence of election monitors, who will report back on what they see, can potentially act as a deterrent against violence and fraud.

EU diplomats based in and accredited to Zimbabwe have also witnessed the conduct of the elections to date. Ireland's ambassador to Zimbabwe travelled frequently to Harare throughout the election period. Once a date is set for the second round, I will again ask him to travel to Zimbabwe to witness the process.

Doing all we can to support the best possible election process in the circumstances is just one part of preparing for policy change and transition in Zimbabwe. Without pre-judging the outcome of the presidential election, the MDC now has a parliamentary majority. The steady politicisation of whatever apparatus of Government has survived the corrosion of recent years means that there will be a need for the two main parties in Zimbabwe to work together in the national interest. Some have suggested a Government of national unity is the way forward. It is not for us, as outsiders, to prescribe what the most effective means of making progress will be, but certainly this would be one option, as long as it is not used as a way of circumventing the outcome of the elections.

Looking beyond the election, regional leaders have a role to play in assisting and perhaps mediating in this process of transformation. International partners, including Ireland, will also continue to support the Zimbabwean people until the foundations of their future development are well and truly laid. Adverse weather conditions, compounded by destructive Government agriculture policies and the collapse of other sectors of the Zimbabwean economy, have left many dependent on international aid.

Irish Aid support to the Zimbabwean people has totalled €17 million over the past two years and, so far this year, €7.6 million has been allocated for the country. Much of this funding is channelled through UN agencies. Alarmingly, the UN has expressed concern that post-election violence is hampering the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance in parts of Zimbabwe.

Ireland believes that real policy change in Zimbabwe, that is, economic management which leads to growth rather than recession, basic human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and meaningful democracy, is in the best interests of the Zimbabwean people. We stand ready to respond appropriately to policy change in Zimbabwe, to build on efforts made by any new Government to promote its people's welfare and development. I know that all in this House agree that the Zimbabwean people deserve the opportunity — an opportunity which their country's laws should guarantee — to choose freely who should lead their country and to have that choice respected. I am pleased to commend the motion to the House.

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