Dermot Ahern (Louth, Fianna Fail)

I thank Members for their contributions to this important debate which the Taoiseach agreed to hold after the Christmas recess. I wish to note my appreciation for one of the unsung heroes of the transformation that has occurred on this island, Deputy Mansergh, and for the work he has done over several decades in this regard.

Politics in Ireland and Northern Ireland has been transformed with greater optimism for a better and shared future. It has been a very long process. Over the past two days we have been reminded that, despite the great changes under way, the painful and terrible legacy of the Troubles remains the everyday reality for numerous families and individuals.

Yesterday was the 35th anniversary of Bloody Sunday. How many of us in this House remember what we were doing when we heard the awful news from Derry? If our memories of the events of 30 January 1973 remain sharp, I can only imagine how deep emotions run in families that mourn lost loved ones. I speak of the families of the victims of the Dublin, Monaghan and Dundalk bombings, of the Miami Showband, and of the families bereaved on days like Bloody Friday, or in places such as Kingsmill, Loughinisland or Enniskillen, where terrible deeds were done. I speak of all those touched in whatever way by the long catalogue of murders and attacks which marked a low point in the history of this island. So many paid a heavy price in death, injury and loss.

Death and suffering visited my home town of Dundalk. I remember it as a teenager and in my 20s. The bombing of Kay's Tavern just before Christmas 1975 and the murder of Seamus Ludlow barely six months later are still remembered across the community in my area. In particular, their families remember. I have seen their grief, their loss, and heard their demand that wider society listen to and recognise the families' experiences. The State failed them in the 1970s. The previous Government at my request included the Dundalk bombing as part of the Barron remit and I am delighted that it was readily accepted. I hope the work of Mr. Justice Barron and the Oireachtas committee, and the ongoing follow-up by the Government will help give them the comfort they deserve.

We can never bring back what they have lost, but we can show solidarity with all those who suffered loss as a result of the conflict. Those who suffered as a result of collusion have their own grief mirrored by the grief of other families who have suffered not perhaps because of collusion. They include families like the families of Robert McCartney and Frank Kerr, who was murdered in 1994 in Newry. The finest tribute we can pay is to redouble our commitment to the creation of a better future for everyone on this island, regardless of kith or kin. To get there, it is clear that there needs to be engagement with the painful lessons and legacy of the past. I do not underestimate this challenge.

Deputies referred to the late John Wilson, in his capacity as Victims' Commissioner. His 1999 report, A Place and a Name, which was very aptly titled, not only describes the often difficult situation of survivors, but also recommended how some of their needs might be addressed. John took a great personal interest in individual cases, using the experience he gained as a Deputy to help victims secure what they were due. It was he who recommended the establishment of a remembrance commission, whose remit the Government recently extended. He also played his part in the search for the disappeared through his membership of the Commission for the Location of Victims Remains. That commission has of course yet to finish its work, and too many families have yet to have the comfort of burying their missing loved ones. Over the years since becoming Minister and before I have met people who have suffered from the Troubles. Of them all my heart goes out in particular to those who are not yet able to able to bury their loved ones.

The report, A Place and a Name, gave direction and impetus to further inquiry into particular cases arising from the conflict. This was taken forward in the work of the late Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton and Mr. Justice Henry Barron in the Independent Commission of Inquiry, and by Mr. Paddy MacEntee in his investigation into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. Their reports shine a light on many violent incidents whose effects had for too long been compounded by confusion and misinformation.

I pay tribute to Deputy Seán Ardagh, who spoke earlier, and to all the members of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights, who meticulously advanced the work of Mr. Justice Barron and Mr. MacEntee. They heard testimony from those whose lives were dramatically impacted by violence. Many of their families, friends and advocates have been with us, in the Visitors Gallery, during this debate. The committee dealt with issues which go to the heart of the democratic process — the failure by the state in its duty of care to its citizens. This is an area where many questions remain unanswered, but face it we must if we are to be true to our responsibilities not only to those touched by the loss of loved ones, but also to the goal of better relations across communities and between these islands.

The findings of the Oireachtas committee that collusion occurred and that it was widespread are of the utmost seriousness. The Taoiseach and I promptly ensured that copies of the reports of the Oireachtas committee were brought to the attention of the British Government. We made clear that the findings regarding collusion were deeply troubling and a matter of serious concern. We have consistently pressed the British Government to co-operate in the investigation of all these incidents. Its response to date has been inadequate and unsatisfactory. We continue to stress to the British Government the absolute importance of co-operation in this area.

I appreciate that there are many issues on all sides arising from the past. I have consistently emphasised, not just as Minister for Foreign Affairs but as someone who saw the damage the Troubles inflicted on my home town of Dundalk, the very deep anxiety and widespread concerns arising from these reports and the need for the British Government to play its part in addressing these concerns, including the need for full disclosure, as highlighted by Mr. Justice Barron. It is in everyone's interests to try now to secure closure with clarity in respect of these dark and troubling cases.

Not only have the institutions in Northern Ireland been restored, but also there is a real prospect of the devolution of police and justice powers to the Executive. This island is being transformed, by progressive steps, brave decisions, creative thinking and often painful exchanges. As this change is embedded, through working institutions and increased trust between communities, the quarrel is becoming history. However, just as we must learn the hard lessons of peace so that conflict on this island never happens again, we have a responsibility to share the insights of the peace process with others. That was why I have established a conflict resolution unit in my Department. Through this initiative, I believe that Ireland can make a distinctive and effective contribution to international peace making, peace building and lesson sharing. The unit is leading the development of an Irish academic centre for conflict resolution, overseeing a stability fund, and will manage a system of roving ambassadors to crisis regions in the world to impart the practical know-how we garnered over decades during our own peace process.

We have achieved much, but the process is not over. The success of the peace process will be measured ultimately by its effect on the lives of people. In this House we often focus on the economic benefits of peace, the normalisation of relations and the landscape, and increased investment. These are without doubt essential building blocks towards a better future. However, people in Border areas frequently speak to me about the return to normal social contact which is the foundation of a healthy community.

Some of those who have impressed me most during my political career are those touched by the awful events we have been discussing today. I have been moved by their embodiment of the power of the human spirit, by their bravery, their patience and their capacity to forgive. They are in some cases taking the difficult, but important, step of engaging with neighbours, breaking a silence which may, for whatever reason, have endured for many years. I acknowledge the tremendous dignity which victims of violence have displayed in the face of horrible adversity. Many struggle to understand why things happened to them or to their loved one. Some seek truth, others justice. Some cannot forget. Others want to break the chains of memory. For some, the traumatic impact of violent attacks on them or their loved ones remains a huge burden, one which precludes an easy normality.

That is why the announcement this week of the four Victims Commissioners for Northern Ireland was a welcome development and I wish them well. If, as individuals or as a society, we are to move on, we need to understand better the dynamics of the particular time through which we have just come, and the manner in which individuals and groups responded or failed to respond, to events during this period. This process of discovery can take place in a number of ways, particularly through public inquiry. At Weston Park in July 2001 the two Governments asked Judge Cory to undertake a thorough investigation of allegations of collusion in a number of cases. He recommended that inquiries be established in this jurisdiction and in Britain. This has led to the establishment in this jurisdiction of the tribunal of inquiry into the heinous murders of Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan and to separate inquiries in Northern Ireland into the murders of Billy Wright, Rosemary Nelson and Robert Hamill.

Judge Cory's recommendation that there be a full public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane remains outstanding. I take this opportunity to repeat this House's call for the immediate establishment of a full, independent, judicial inquiry into this terrible murder and I will continue to do that with our British colleagues. It is time that his family, like so many others, were given greater clarity as to what happened to their loved ones, and who was responsible.

In other cases, different and less formal processes may also play a useful role and this debate is one of them. There are issues that will come before the consultative group on the past, led by Archbishop Robin Eames and Denis Bradley. This group is considering how the legacy of the events of the past decades can best be approached. I welcome the establishment of this group and offer to co-operate with its work. I look forward to the work they will be doing as they continue to investigate these matters. I await with great interest the recommendations which they will present later this year. The group's public consultations earlier this month highlighted the complex and sensitive issues with which they are engaging. I have no doubt they will bear this in mind when considering this report. Building the peace in a way which is respectful of the suffering of the past and which leads to a better future for everyone on these islands is the best way we can honour the dead and serve the living. Today and yesterday this House has heard many of the reasons we need to face up to our difficult past if we are to arrive at a better future for all and we should not shirk this challenge.

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