Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael)
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I have a few points before we conclude.

I acknowledge that all the witnesses primarily, if not exclusively, represent humanitarian organisations and it is often difficult to become involved or, indeed, embroiled in the political situation. It seems, however, that the power struggle along the Red Sea is playing a very important role here. It also seems that the crimes of the RSF appear to be very much on the grievous scale and as crimes against humanity to an enormous extent. Equally, it seems there is clear evidence of the RSF being funded by the United Arab Emirates. In terms of ensuring the parties can, ultimately, be brought to the table, it has been suggested that the RSF be designated a terrorist organisation and a greater level of pressure be placed on it to curtail its operations and deal with the matter of the group's funding. Ireland may well have a role to play in this regard by sanctioning the known leaders of the RSF. Do the witnesses think this would be a useful exercise?

In her earlier contribution, Ms McKenna mentioned, from a humanitarian perspective, the importance of safe access routes. These are equivalent to asylum pathways. We again see the situation in Ireland where we have had many asylum seekers from Sudan in the past year and more compared with heretofore. Is there evidence of people now fleeing the area and the war and seeking family unification in Ireland? If this is a feature of the situation, is there anything we can do in this regard? How best can the international community impose and provide safe access routes, expand asylum pathways and ensure people have an opportunity of leaving should they wish to do so? There is also a consequence in this context for agriculture on the ground currently in Sudan. What is the situation regarding subsistence farming? Mr. Regan mentioned the weather and how that can adversely impact the current situation and make matters worse. Is there any international movement towards restoring subsistence farming and supporting the refarming of land or lands that have been out of commission due to conflict and famine in recent times? Can Ireland play a role in this regard? I refer to the role Trócaire is already playing in this context.

Before we conclude, I will deal with local governance and the rule of law. It seems the rule of law has broken down. How best can the international community assist governance structures and strengthen the rule of law through international development programmes? All the organisations represented here are experts at this over a long number of years. Is there a role for this? The EU was perhaps only mentioned by Ms de Barra. The UN Human Rights Council's fact-finding mission is either a failure or it has been stalled. How could that be rebooted? Is there an opportunity for the EU to turn a sharper focus towards the region, which is next door to the Sahel?

We see, for example, the importance of the position of the EU special representative in the Sahel. In fact, that representative is visiting Ireland this week. I do not know whether there is a special representative in this region between the Sahel and the Red Sea. Is there a reason why not or is there a reason that efforts might be made in that regard?

The failure of the United Nations was highlighted by the disappointment in the recent United Nations General Assembly, UNGA, series of meetings. I wonder if perhaps a greater level of emphasis or a greater impetus can come from the European Union. We talk about a ceasefire. A ceasefire will only happen if the will is there and often, the will only will be there if it is in the context of a programme for demobilisation and programme for disarmament or at least proposals for disarmament, but it seems that we have not got there yet. Therefore, the likelihood of a ceasefire is probably more remote than any of us wish or hope for. Again, however, Ireland's voice, along with others, is something that is needed on a more regular basis than we have experienced heretofore.