Mr. Rob Fairmichael:

The First World War seemed a good idea to millions of people when it started. How does it seem now? What we have in the situation in Ukraine is akin to the details of what went on in the First World War: trench warfare, massive use of munitions, stalemate and a great loss of life on both sides. The Government has repeatedly stressed it was giving non-lethal aid to Ukraine. For example, the then Taoiseach, Deputy Leo Varadkar, in February 2023 said there would be no change to Ireland's position of offering only non-lethal assistance to Kyiv, and that: "We don’t have fighter jets, or tanks or heavy weapons. Even if we wanted to, it would be against our policy of neutrality." He continued by saying that we do not have lethal weapons to give to Ukraine and we were not going to do that.

Ammunition, however, is, by definition, lethal: "Ammunition is the material fired, scattered, dropped, or detonated from any weapon or weapon system." When it was agreed in March this year to send a million artillery shells to Ukraine, Ireland abstained from joining the European Defence Agency framework for the procurement of ammunition. We have a list of the arms companies producing the ammunition in the ASAP but not what they are actually producing. Does it, for example, include depleted uranium ammunition?

There is a basic contradiction here. In paying for ammunition to go to Ukraine through the EU, Ireland is clearly contributing lethal weaponry. Yet we have the example, as was mentioned by Ms Ní Bhriain, of Article 29 of Bunreacht na hÉireann, which clearly commits the State to the peaceful resolution of international conflicts when it states: "Ireland affirms its adherence to the principle of the pacific settlement of international disputes by international arbitration or judicial determination." We also have the example of the Good Friday Agreement and relative peace in Northern Ireland. This came about through a process of dialogue and engagement despite those involved being vilified as naive and traitors to their respective causes. Wars can only be ended by talking. I note also that the Irish Tricolour has white in its middle.

Ireland has had an honourable history of engaging internationally since the time of the League of Nations early in the 20th century. Nuclear non-proliferation and the banning of landmines and cluster munitions have all had significant Irish involvement. Indeed, the conference in 2008 that brought about the treaty banning the use of cluster munitions was held in Dublin. The Irish contribution to military peacekeeping in difficult security situations has been second to none. We should continue this kind of work rather than be a fellow traveller with NATO. There is an ongoing process of militarising the EU, which began partly as a peace process internally, but risks becoming a war project outside its borders.

Ireland can be a critical friend to the EU, something which has been happening over Palestine. It feels like the right path to follow.

The traditional Irish policy of neutrality amounts to what can be defined as non-offensive defence. That is, a policy which cannot be seen as being in any way belligerent. This policy of non-offensive defence is the one that should be followed. NATO policies cannot be defined as non-offensive, and we know that the EU is following a similar path.

Ireland can contribute significantly to peacemaking and peacekeeping, including in Ukraine and Gaza. We would be happy to help anyone at any time to explore such possibilities, which are huge. Paying for ammunition to be used in Ukraine is joining the fight on one side and betraying Irish experience and the potential Ireland has to contribute to peace globally.