Clare Daly (Dublin Fingal, Independent)
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I apologise in advance for not being here to hear the responses to my questions but I am due in the Dáil. I will read the transcript of the proceedings after the meeting. I found the presentations very helpful. Dr. Boylan said in his presentation that the eighth amendment has caused grave harm to women, including death. I welcome Professor Arulkumaran's clarification for Senator Ruane of the Savita Halappanavar investigation team. My understanding of what he said was that the legislative position did have a serious impact on the clinical professional judgment. In that context, and in regard to Professor Arulkumaran's statement, does this arise because of the artificial divide between health and life? It is a fine line that can change in that often one is waiting for a situation to become life threatening. Would the removal of that distinction tidy up that matter?

We hear a lot that Ireland is a safe place to give birth. Is it not the case that many of the countries that are better than us have quite a liberal abortion regime and it is not, therefore, an argument that because we do not have abortion in Ireland we have safe maternity care? The countries rated higher than Ireland have a liberal abortion regime. Perhaps the delegates would elaborate on how that is linked to our ability to access abortion services in Britain.

I would like to discuss the abortion pill, which ties into the area of resources. Last week, the head of obstetrics and gynaecology in the UK said that in her opinion the legislation in the UK needs to be changed to allow nurses and midwives to make the abortion pill available. They currently make this medication available in cases of missed miscarriages and they carry out vacuum aspiration. Is this not a way in which to deal with a resources issue? As this is an approved medical pill that is certified in Ireland, why cannot it be administered in a GP's office by a nurse? Given the number of people who access it in the first trimester there is no real resources required. Perhaps this could be teased out further.

On consent, is it not the case that whereas normally the patient dictates his or her treatment, the woman's ability to consent, because of the eighth amendment, is diminished? I am thinking particularly in cases of people who are happy to parent but were brought to court because they did not want a caesarean section, it was deemed that the life of the unborn was threatened by their decision and, therefore, an action was taken to cut across their opinion.

I apologise for throwing these issues in together, but will the delegates address the points made?