Ms Patricia King:

We have found very few people are interested in listening to this point. The National Competitiveness Council and other organisations come out with various sets of figures periodically. Ireland has the lowest social wage, as well as the lowest value the worker gets from that social wage, be it sick pay or whatever. The comparisons come out bad on the workers' side. Employers, as well as several political representatives, make statements about tax levels. On the face of it, it is a low-tax regime. However, when a comparison is done with other EU member states, one is looking at an entirely different picture. From congress's point of view, we want to get into a space where there is much more equity. Compare what workers in Ireland have against what workers in France have with sick pay, maternity benefit and child care. We all know child care costs in Ireland are the second highest and highest in the OECD for couples and lone parents respectively.

What happens in other EU states in respect of the provision of those services? The answer reveals a far better picture in other states, even, dare I say, in the United Kingdom, although that comparison will take on a different hue shortly.

We have said in our submissions that reforming the revenue base requires reform of capital taxes and tax breaks. We believe a minimum of €180 million could be raised in budget 2017. I have absolutely no doubt that we will say the same thing for the next budget with particular attention paid to reliefs available at marginal rates and the suite of reliefs related to capital acquisitions tax. In our judgment, there is considerable room to extract unfair tax reliefs and so on. They should be stripped out. We have heard political representatives support and object to the idea. We have consistently argued that there should be a net wealth tax focused on households with net assets in excess of €1 million. We have priced it and we believe it could collect €300 million in net additional revenue during 2017.

Reference was made to the USC charge in principle. This is relevant for the example I have just outlined relating to child care. There are others areas in the education system and so on where we believe it should realise a real social charge. It should be a social contribution. It should be hypothecated effectively to deliver what it is supposed to deliver. That would bring about a far fairer and more transparent system. If we are putting in a given amount by way of social contribution, then a given service should be provided as a result. That is the view we take in general terms.

Several points arise in respect of the Lansdowne Road agreement.