Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I remind members to ensure their mobile telephones are switched off completely for the duration of the meeting because they cause interference, even in silent mode, with the recording equipment in committee rooms.

The committee is delighted to meet with Christian Aid Ireland today. There are many important issues that it wishes to raise, and members will have many questions too. We are joined by Mr. Sorley McCaughey, head of policy and advocacy, and Ms Karol Balfe, adviser on governance, peace building and human rights. Members are aware of the valuable work Christian Aid does in tackling poverty in some of the world’s poorest countries and highlighting tax justice issues. It had a campaign several years ago with a roadshow highlighting tax justice. I understand Christian Aid will outline its specific concerns about Angola. Some time ago the committee met a delegation from Angola. Christian Aid also works in Sierra Leone. Two years ago the committee visited Sierra Leone to see at first hand the difficult work non-governmental organisations do there.

I invite Mr. McCaughey to make his presentation.

Mr. Sorley McCaughey:

I thank the committee for inviting us to make a presentation today. Most, if not all, members will already be aware of the work of Christian Aid Ireland. For those who may not be, in brief, it is an Irish international development agency working in almost 50 countries globally, carrying out emergency humanitarian work as well as long-term development work that aims to address the root causes underpinning why people are and remain poor.
We first received Irish Aid funding in the 1970s. More recently, it was one of the agencies to receive multi-annual funding from Irish Aid for 2012 to 2016 in support of our current programme, of which Angola and Sierra Leone are both a part. The programme includes seven countries - Angola, Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe, Israel and occupied Palestinian territory, Colombia, El Salvador and Guatemala. The coherence to our programme lies in their categorisation as conflict or post-conflict countries and provides, therefore, opportunities for useful inter-country information exchange. For example, we are researching examples of partner organisations' strategies for resisting land grabs in their respective countries. This follows on from a conference we jointly hosted with the University of Limerick last year on the same subject where partner organisations attending the conference gave accounts of their own experience of resisting land grabs.
Most importantly, we want to bring to the attention of the committee the worsening humanitarian situation in Angola, a subject that has received virtually no media coverage, yet is a dire situation that threatens to worsen. My colleague Karol Balfe, who was in Angola in February this year, will present some key findings and recommendations from our partners working in Angola later.
I would also like to highlight a report that Christian Aid partners in Sierra Leone have recently published on the country's massive loss of revenue due to the granting of tax incentives to large multinationals. Tax justice is a key corporate issue for Christian Aid and is an area in which we have developed a degree of expertise. In 2010, Christian Aid was identified as one of the 21 most influential organisations in the world of tax by International Tax Review. We are also members of several international bodies, including the OECD informal task force on tax and development. We sit on the European Commission's recently established platform for tax good governance, which brings together governments. Ireland is represented by the Department of Finance and the Revenue Commissioners as well as private sector and civil society representatives.
We have written and spoken extensively about the tax evasion and avoidance, the tax practices of multinationals, the role of states - including Ireland - and international developments at OECD and EU level. I say this not by way of blowing our own trumpet but to give the committee a sense of the experience and knowledge on international tax issues that Christian Aid brings to discussions.
The report today gives a flavour of what we are doing in Sierra Leone. Clearly there are issues, however, that the report raises that feed into the ongoing discussions at an international level at the OECD and EU. Perhaps the area of international tax justice and the changes taking place at OECD level are a subject that the committee would be interested in returning to at a later stage.
The UN estimates that least developed countries need to raise at least 20% of their GDP through taxes to meet the millennium development goals by 2015. Sierra Leone, however, takes in only 10.9%. Revenue lost to custom duty and goods and services tax exemptions alone in 2012 amounted to 8.3% of GDP, $224 million. In 2011, the figure was even higher, 13.7 % of GDP. It will be almost impossible for the Sierra Leonean Government to implement its poverty reduction strategy, Agenda for Prosperity, without a significant increase in revenue, yet it in 2011 it spent more on tax incentives than on development priorities. In 2012 government tax expenditure amounted to more than eight times the health budget and seven times the education budget.
Proponents of tax incentives argue that they are necessary to attract foreign direct investment. However, evidence from elsewhere suggests otherwise. The Africa department of the International Monetary Fund states, “Investment incentives, particularly tax incentives, are not an important factor in attracting foreign investment.” In fact, the countries most successful in attracting foreign investors have not offered large tax breaks. More important factors have been good infrastructure, low administration and setup costs, political stability and predictable macroeconomic policy. This view is backed up by government officials in Sierra Leone interviewed for the report, who believed the tax breaks to be excessive and would better be spent providing an enabling environment for foreign investment, such as good infrastructure.
The Sierra Leonean Government policy on tax incentives is criticised in three ways: too many incentives are granted to individual companies by a small number of ministers and officials, increasing the possibility of corrupt deals; there is a lack of parliamentary oversight; and no economic rationale is provided by government for offering tax incentives in Sierra Leone. Assumptions are made about the effectiveness of tax incentives, but no convincing case has been made.
The report makes recommendations to the Sierra Leonean Government and Parliament. They are mainly about increasing the transparency around the deals that are made. They also include empowering and strengthening the oversight function of the parliament; carrying out a cost-benefit analysis on all tax incentives granted; reviewing all incentives with the purpose of reducing them; and working with governments of other Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, countries to ensure there is no regional race to the bottom in lowering tax rates and increasing tax incentives to multinational corporations.
There is one specific recommendation for the Irish Government that is not contained in the report but is being pursued bilaterally. It encourages the Irish Government or Irish Aid, through its role as a development partner in Sierra Leone, to try to have included in the agreed framework between the Government of Sierra Leone and the development partners a specific indicator or requirement that the tax expenditure be published in the national budget. Irish Aid could play a role in pushing for this. This will clearly show how much the country is losing to tax incentives.

A link to the report has been circulated. The main bulk of the presentation is on the humanitarian situation in Angola, which Ms Balfe will discuss.

Ms Karol Balfe:

I thank the committee and the Chairman for this opportunity to update the Government on the urgent situation in Angola. Christian Aid does not engage in direct advocacy towards the government of Angola. We have a partnership model and work entirely through supporting the work of local partners. We come here with our partners' concerns but, prior to speaking for them, it is important that I clarify for committee members the political and economic context in Angola. It is not possible to understand the reason behind the current humanitarian crisis and the failure to deal with it adequately without first understanding the political and economic context. I will draw on research from organisations such as Global Witness, Human Rights Watch, the US State Department and Transparency International to highlight some of the concerns about politics and the economy in Angola.

Since the end of the long and brutal civil war in 2002, the Angolan economy has, on paper, been one of the most successful in the world. This is largely down to its oil revenue, which peaked in 2008 and is expected to run until 2025. It will give the Angolan government a vast source of revenue for urbanisation and infrastructure projects. The World Bank has stated that economic growth in Angola is very dependent on oil but to date it has not created the necessary local employment. Organisations such as Transparency International and Human Rights Watch have consistently highlighted the high levels of corruption that exist in Angola. Along with this are allegations that billions of dollars are missing from state accounts. This corruption is directly linked to the dependency on oil, the legacy of the political relations of the civil war and the high concentration of political power. These reports show that in a country with an economic growth rate which is consistently among the top three countries globally, Angolans should no longer suffer from the food insecurity and vulnerability to shocks that we see today.

Angola has persistent and widespread poverty, which we see through the social indicators of the UN Development Programme, UNDP, particularly with regard to alarming figures for life expectancy, poverty and child and maternal mortality and poor access to services. Angola is one of the worst countries in the world with regard to many of these indicators. It follows that Angola is a very unequal country. Put very simply, the large wealth in the country does not benefit the majority of citizens in Angola. This legacy of the war has a particular impact for people living in rural areas, particularly women. The pace of mass migration to urban areas means that a large proportion, 30%, of households are headed by women, and these are particularly vulnerable.

Food price increases are among the highest in Africa, and this disproportionately affects poor families. Much of the country is heavily dependent on imported products. In the first nine months of 2013, $3.6 billion was spent on imported food and drink. This contrasts with the history of Angola with its abundance of natural resources and agricultural products. There have been some signs of economic diversification and an increase in food production, but smallholder subsistence farmers experience high levels of absolute poverty. A total of 85% of the labour force works in agriculture, but only 10.2% of the country's GDP comes from agricultural production. A major factor in the persistence of poverty in Angola is the lack of basic infrastructure and services for poor people, particularly in health, education, water and sanitation.

The UN special rapporteur on human rights has highlighted the fact that issues regarding land rights and security of tenure have a very serious impact on rural populations in Angola. Despite the low population density and the vast areas of arable land, rural smallholders and pastoralists often have restricted access to the land they need to grow crops or to get water for their cattle. This insecurity of tenure increases the risk for the rural population. This is particularly an issue for women, as discriminatory inheritance laws and customs make them even more vulnerable. A strong national drive to attract foreign investment in agricultural land is increasing the risks for smallholders and pastoralists.

President dos Santos has ruled Angola for 35 years. Two elections followed the end of the civil war, both of which resulted in majorities for the ruling MPLA. A number of organisations have observed that this has resulted in a consolidation of power. The impact of this on the country's economy and on ordinary Angolans is profound. A thread of authoritarianism has prevailed since the colonial era. This was exacerbated by the civil war and persists today. It is widely recognised that government institutions are hierarchical, with few opportunities for citizens to engage and influence policy and practice at local, national or municipal level.

Christian Aid has been working in Angola since the 1980s. Initially we provided humanitarian assistance and dealt with food insecurity. We support, entirely through local partnership, seven civil society and faith-based organisations working in Angola in humanitarian and development work. Development funding to Angola has decreased seriously since the end of the civil war. There is a prevailing view that Angola's wealth should be used for its own development. Christian Aid believes that given the levels of poverty, inequality and marginalisation in Angola today, there is a vital role for organisations such as ours to support local partners in responding to humanitarian crises and to try to transform the power structures which keep people poor and marginalised. Our Irish Aid funding allows us to work with civil society to try to create long-term peace and security, work on gender equality and the promotion of human rights, promote access to land and promote housing rights. We also work on resource management and climate change adaptation.

In the face of the initial failure of the Angolan government to acknowledge the scale of the humanitarian crisis, Christian Aid partners played a pivotal role in drawing awareness to the extent of the crisis and the urgent need for action. Our allies and partners held a conference where members from the drought-affected communities met Angolan parliamentarians, UN relief organisations and other influential bodies which could respond to the drought. This was seen as pivotal in creating change and building momentum. There have been prolonged dry spells in southern Africa since 2011, which have led to the crisis in southern and central Angola. This slow-onset emergency of drought, food insecurity and health problems needs to be addressed urgently before a greater disaster unfolds. It has been exacerbated by a lack of rain for two consecutive years. There has been some rain in 2014, which has brought some relief, but this relief is only short-term because the affected communities still have not received the food distribution or seeds which are so desperately needed.

Climate change is having an impact on the drought in Angola. Angola has not been as starkly affected as its neighbours Malawi and Zimbabwe, but between 1960 and 2006 there was a 1.5°C increase in temperature and a 2 mm decrease in rainfall, all of which has an impact on drought-affected areas. Approximately 1.8 million people in ten of the 18 provinces have been affected by the drought, largely because of the decrease in agricultural production.

The total number of acutely malnourished children is estimated at 533,000. The situation is even more critical in the southern region of the country, where about 57% of the total population of these provinces are affected by the drought. The reduced rainfall in 2012 and 2013 decreased the availability of seeds for the year's crop and has contributed to a deterioration of livestock. Poor sanitation and lack of access to drinking water are critical issues. In November 2013 there was an outbreak of cholera in the region, with 2,000 cases of cholera resulting in 48 deaths in a two-week period. There is also increased prevalence of malaria, measles, diarrhoea and respiratory tract infections. Basic food prices have increased in a country where food prices are already expensive for poor people. Food is now scarce and consumption patterns are changing. In those areas that are getting assistance, children are receiving two meals a day, but in other areas this is not the case. Pregnant and lactating women have less access to food and this weakens maternal and child health in the affected population, even those who are being supported.

There is a serious reduction in the availability of drinking water. The decrease means that people have between three and seven litres of water per day, far below the recommended 20 litres per person. There is a lack of pasture for fodder and livestock, resulting in a reduction in cattle prices. The social impact of that means that people are trying to move to urban areas or move between rural areas, increasing tension between cattle pasturing areas. As I have mentioned, rural women are badly affected by this drought.

There has been some response to this crisis. It was recognised that the Angolan government was slow to respond. International relief agencies such as UNICEF, the World Health Organization and the Food and Agriculture Organization began responding in 2012. The government appealed for assistance in 2013 and Christian Aid is part of an appeal by ACT Alliance, a network that we are with, for emergency aid to tackle the food and water shortages that currently exist.

Let me now outline the recommendations that Christian Aid makes to the Government. We recognise the responsibility of the Angolan government and encourage international actors to work with it. We believe the Government can play a critical role. There is an immediate role in using our membership of the European Union, the UN and other bodies to push the Angolan government to seek more humanitarian assistance, to ensure it works with international relief organisations and to ensure that local civil society and communities that have been affected by the drought are involved in these relief operations.

There is another important opportunity for the Government. Christian Aid has very much welcomed our membership of the Human Rights Council as an endorsement of our important work on human rights globally. The Angolan government will be submitting its national report to the Human Rights Council through a mechanism known as the Universal Periodic Review. It is an opportunity for the Government to highlight the devastating impacts of the drought and to urge the Angolan government to take action.

Ireland has always played a strong role and is committed to tackling gender inequality. This is part of our work in One World One Future through Irish Aid, but we have also prioritised gender equality in other work. We believe there is scope for the Government, through the UN, the EU and other mechanisms, to ask the Angolan government to ensure that gender analysis features in its work on rural community development, climate adaptation and agricultural reform. As has been highlighted, the role of women is critical in building long-term and sustainable development in Angola.

We urge the Government, through its work on human rights and in particular its support for human rights defenders globally, to continue to support the vital and difficult work that human rights defenders in Angola do in securing land rights on forced evictions, but also access for smallholder farmers and pastoralists to agricultural land.

We urge the Government to continue to support civil society organisations working in Angola. The severity of this humanitarian crisis highlights the need for urgent humanitarian action within Angola. At the heart of the crisis is the need for Angola to ensure that all the citizens of the state play a part in the development of its natural resources so that they can become full and proper citizens of Angola.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I thank Ms Balfe for her graphic picture of the deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situation in Angola. The recommendations that have been made are very reasonable and I see no reason we could not ensure they are raised in the appropriate forums, particularly as we are a member of the Human Rights Council in the UN. I am sure the committee will have no problem in endorsing the recommendations.

I wish to apologise to the witnesses for the absence of Deputies Bernard Durkan and Dan Neville. They are on the Houses of the Oireachtas Commission, which is meeting at 3 p.m. Deputy Durkan is the Chairman and must go to that meeting. I invite the Fianna Fáil Opposition spokesperson on foreign affairs, trade and human rights to lead off.

Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
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I apologise for missing the first few minutes of the meeting, but I was delayed at an earlier meeting. I thank Ms Balfe sincerely for her clear contribution. She paints a grim and clear picture of the difficulties facing Angola, particularly the needless suffering due to the state's failure to deal with inequality. She mentioned in her contribution that a one-day conference had been organised at the end of 2012, with the participation of representatives from the Angolan Parliament, civil society, UN agencies and members of the drought-affected communities. Under whose auspices was that forum convened? Was the outcome beneficial?

I concur with the Chairman that Ms Balfe's recommendations are very reasonable. As a committee we should request the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and his officials at both political and official level to highlight the particular problems of Angola at every appropriate forum and to seek some movement on the issues raised.

Has the United Nations been a bystander during this time? We are too well aware of the inability of the United Nations to make progress in ensuring that resolutions are passed. We have seen this happen in Syria and other areas as well. Is there anybody driving an international community initiative to try to deal with the very serious problems of poverty, drought and child and maternal mortality?

Olivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)
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I also wish to apologise in advance as I will have to leave a little early. I am speaking in the House shortly.

I thank the witnesses for their very graphic description of what is going on in Angola. One could be talking about almost any country in central or southern Africa, as the same problems of rich countries and poor people arise. People should be prospering in rich countries but they are starving in spite of all the natural resources that have been discovered that would make them rich relative to others.

Where there are land grabs, tax problems, war and corruption, together with climate change, one gets a crisis such as that which exists in Angola. I would have no problem in going along with the recommendations that have been made and I would be pleased to make those representations. One aspect that interested me was the need for governments to conduct gender analysis. Christian Aid is concerned with poverty, and while all those problems result in poverty, one of the major causes of poverty is the unequal role and status of women in such societies, with early marriage, a lack of education, and too many children - all the things that make for poor families, societies and countries.

I wish to raise with the delegation a matter that the committee has not had an opportunity to discuss. I refer to the appalling situation in Nigeria where girls were taken whose only crime was to attend school. Despite a lot of hot air nothing has happened. Almost three weeks have elapsed and God knows where they are now. Christian Aid has the experience of working in a lot of countries. Can it tell us what we can do to highlight their plight? What can we do to rescue them and prevent abductions happening again? Apparently there has been another case of abduction in the past few days. Where will it all end when a society allows abductions to happen? Such behaviour has been virtually sanctioned by Governments through their inaction.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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We have just got news that 150 people have been killed in Nigeria by a bomb attack carried out by Boko Haram. That is a very serious situation.

Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent)
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I agree with what Deputy Mitchell said about the lack of interest and action in respect of the young girls.

The delegation painted a grim and alarming picture of another African country that is rich in natural resources. The country has arable land yet its people are starving and dying from illnesses that we take in our stride.

I have a couple of questions and one of them is on land grabs. A lot of the land deals have been done by local government or whoever and the farmers are the last to know about them. What is Christian Aid's experience of the situation? Have consultations taken place with the people beforehand?

Recently we met some people from Justice for Colombia and the Latin American Solidarity Group who spoke about land grabs in Colombia. Some of the peasant farmers said that they can produce enough food for themselves and their villages but the land is grabbed so they must leave and go into urban areas to buy food. Does the same cycle happen in Angola? Where are there land grabs? Is it for food, biofuels or wood and timber? Is the trade agenda of Ireland, the EU and the western world too corporate-led instead of sustainable, inclusive growth and regulated investment? What is Christian Aid's understanding of the European partnership agreements? How much do people know about them?

The Sierra Leone report called for a review of all mining contracts and tax incentives. Is that within Sierra Leone? Has Christian Aid sought support on the issue from other governments?

Let me turn to budgets. I do not know which way the balance is in favour of. There has been a lack of capacity building on the part of governments and parties and to negotiate fairly. How is that balanced with corruption? Is it overbalanced or imbalanced? We want budgets to be fair and transparent and governments to be held accountable. We know that there is a lack of parliamentary oversight which is something that some of us are aware of through our involvement through AWEPA. Did the departure of the other NGOs from Angola ring alarm bells with Christian Aid? NGOs such as Trócaire, Concern, Oxfam and Christian Aid will remain.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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I apologise for being late but it has been one of those days. I had to meet Turkish MPs who talked about a peace process and all sorts of issues which is important work that the delegation will appreciate.

I have a couple of questions on Christian Aid's report on Angola which is another damning report that gives Africa a bad name. Mention was made of high level corruption. The country has resources which exist on paper so one would imagine that it would be successful. They have finite resources but they have not been invested properly and high level corruption has led to the disappearance of billions. The report stated that 1.8 million people in ten of the 18 provinces are experiencing food insecurity. We do know that there is a need to intervene in these crises because there has been a food crisis in east Africa in Sahel. Christian Aid has called for Ireland to be more proactive about the issue on the Human Rights Council. How can we be more proactive? Can you outline some basic steps that the Government can take? The EU is one of the largest donors to Angola. Does Christian Aid see a role for Ireland in Angola? How can Ireland use its influence in the region?

With regards to drought and famine, there is a lack of diversification. Are there simple steps that the Angolan Government can take? Mention was made of the World Bank's report that stated that Angola largely depends on oil production which creates little employment. We know from other countries that have oil that roads must be built to the nearest port but that is all the development that takes place. Some of the companies involved are EU-based. Is there a need to name and shame them?

Tax equity and meetings were also mentioned. Part of the difficulty for a lot of people is that if we want to use our spending power or whatever, for example by boycotting oil companies, we need to know what companies are active in these areas. Would it be helpful to have an idea of the companies involved in the sector?

The situation is similar for land grabs. We know that companies from Europe and wherever else are involved but I do not know which ones. Is there a need for us to popularise them? How can we highlight them? Is identifying them part of Christian Aid's campaign to combat them?

Tax dodging in Sierra Leone was mentioned. Should Ireland or the EU step up to the plate? What is the best way forward to counteract the problem? Ireland is a small country that is interested in trading with everyone but we must also act responsibly. How will trade pan out in the future? What does Christian Aid want the committee to do about the matter? Does it have recommendations that we can give to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on the role that Ireland can play, particularly in terms of human rights organisations, other organisations, the EU and so on? What does Christian Aid want us to say to the organisations? What recommendations does it want us to give to the Department and the Minister?

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Eric Byrne wishes to make a brief comment even though he is suffering from a bad dose of laryngitis.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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I wish to make two comments. I must apologise first because I have read both of the reports but cannot comment on them because of my voice. Christian Aid projected the image of an uncaring regime imposed by the MPLA in Angola. Can it explain the contradiction of a government recently allocating $32 billion for food security measures in the country?

Dan Neville (Limerick, Fine Gael)
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I apologise for having to leave the meeting. I welcome the members of the delegation and thank them for their interesting submission. I have looked at Africa for many years and corruption is endemic in most African countries. Christian Aid has experience of working in Africa but I have my own analysis of how the colonisation of Africa has influenced everything that happens on the continent. Colonisation reflects the lines that were drawn for countries rather than recognise the tribal aspects of Africa. Some countries in Africa do better than others in dealing with corruption but it is still endemic. Has an analysis been carried out on a long-term approach to dealing with the problem?

We have heard about the level of corruption.

I had known of the corruption in Angola but I did not think it was as serious as they outlined.

Christian Aid spoke about the humanitarian aspects of this. Perhaps they would give us a graphic account of deaths from hunger, children in difficulties, abuse of women, abuse of children and exploitation of children who come into the cities. I have seen this elsewhere in Africa where, because of starvation, people gravitate towards the cities. I have seen it in Ethiopia, which is dealing with it much better. They are dealing as best they can with it. Is that happening and what services are the international community giving to those people, especially, the children, who gravitate towards the cities because of the starvation in rural areas?

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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There is quite a variety of questions from the members. They all are related to the issues about which both Mr. McCaughey and Ms Balfe spoke in their address here this afternoon. I will let both of them answer whichever questions are appropriate for their expertise.

Ms Karol Balfe:

In answer to Deputy Eric Byrne's questions, apologies for having to correct a typographical error in the document, that it was not $32 billion. The document that was sent yesterday is not the one that has been circulated today. The Angolan Government has responded since 2013. It is estimated that $150 million is needed to deal with the drought. It is not yet clear exactly how much the Angolan Government has contributed. It has asked for international assistance. It is saying it is not capable of responding and it needs the assistance of United Nations agencies. I am sorry to have to correct that first.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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It seemed to be contradictory because $32 billion is a lot of money.

Ms Karol Balfe:

Again, apologies for that.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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It just proves that I read the document.

Olivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)
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There is always one.

Ms Karol Balfe:

Some of the questions that have come up are around land. This is an issue that is of critical concern to the countries in which we work. The pace of land acquisition that has happened since 2008, since the food crisis there, has taken the world by surprise and governments and civil society are just beginning to respond properly to that. It is difficult to generalise but, from reports and documentation on this, it would be fair to say across the globe there is little consultation with indigenous communities who are on the land whose land is being taken. There is a human rights principle around free prior and informed consent and in some countries that is being adhered to. However, in some it has been adhered to in a tokenistic fashion.

We are familiar with the situation in Colombia in regard to land grabs. It is also a focus area for us. This year we will be publishing research, doing an update looking at the global scale of land grabs, in particular, at how the Irish Government, the European Union or the world should respond to this issue. There are reports showing that the pace of land grabs may have been exaggerated in the initial literature rush on this and in this research we want to look at what is the current pace of land acquisitions globally and, crucially, how civil society responds and how we support our partners who are often at the coalface of these issues. We hope to be able to update the committee later in the year, but I would say to Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan that it would be a consistent experience that local communities' rights are not being respected.

An important distinction in regard to land acquisition is that it happens in different ways in different countries. If we look at how land has being acquired in Sierra Leone, it is different from how land has been acquired in Angola. In Angola, there is some food production and biofuels but there is also large-scale agricultural plantations which are displacing poor people. There are a variety of factors. We stress that it is important to look at each context when looking at the issue of land.

Specifically, in terms of the Human Rights Council, Ireland's role and the steps that it can take, we are encouraged by the Irish Government and the officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade who are working as part of the Human Rights Council and preparing Ireland's reports. We have had previous experience with partners from Colombia where the Government met those partners and heard their concerns around gender inequality and protection of human rights defenders. Ireland was supportive in putting forward recommendations from our partners. We realise we are knocking on an open door. However, it is important to highlight the role of the Human Rights Council.

It would be safe to say that most states care about their international reputation and Angola is no exception. It is a matter of using this opportunity at the committee to highlight what we as a State can do. Angola will be going before the Human Rights Council in October this year. The Irish Government will be preparing its report over the summer and all states that sit on the Human Rights Council have agreed that they will only make two recommendations to the state that is reporting. We would urge that committee members would urge the Government to ensure that dealing with this drought and its impact on economic, social and cultural rights would be part of its presentation, particularly around the right to food.

The conference in Angola was convened by a consortium of civil society organisations, Christian Aid partners and others. The outcome of that conference was to highlight, with the Government, the need to take action on the drought. It is an example of where a civil society organisation can play a vital role in ensuring state accountability. It ties to Deputy Neville's question about the long-term aspect of some of these countries with which we work. We, in Christian Aid, believe that development only works when power is used accountably and for the social good and that there is a critical role for organisations such as ourselves to support local organisations, not for us to go in there to do it but to support the partners from Angola, Colombia or Sierre Leone so that they themselves can transform the power relations.

We would echo committee members' concerns around gender quality. It is a core concern for Christian Aid as well. It is one of the central objectives in our strategic plan and something that we contribute to. We, as Christian Aid, currently chair the Irish Consortium on Gender Based Violence and we will play an active role in ensuring that gender equality is part of the development agenda.

Mr. Sorley McCaughey:

There were a couple of questions addressed to me on the Sierra Leone report. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan wanted to know whether the review of all contracts was an internal Sierre Leonean matter, and the answer is "Yes". This report focuses exclusively on Sierre Leonean civil society, the role of the parliament and the role of the Government there. That is not to say that we do not have a position that the review and greater transparency around the negotiations of all mining contracts and all multinational contracts between governments and companies should be more transparent and possibly reviewed as well, but in this instance it is specifically in the Sierre Leonean context.

On the question of tax dodging and Ireland's role, this is a specific area of our work around the issue of greater tax justice in tax incentives. Our position on this is that the issue of tax incentives needs to be examined through cost-benefit analysis. This report makes that point clearly, that it needs to be assessed through a cost-benefit analysis. As for what Ireland can do on that, I made reference to it here. As one of the key donors in Sierre Leone, Ireland is in a privileged position to be able to make recommendations or work together with the Sierre Leonean Government around its partnership agreement as to what the next four or five years will look like. We have been recommending that Ireland use that position to advocate or negotiate the inclusion of an indicator or recommendation that would highlight the amount of money that is being spent on tax incentives by the Sierre Leonean Government every year which would provide for greater transparency and accountability of that Government to Sierre Leonean citizens.

On the broader level internationally, for example, on the OECD level, we have been clear in our position. It is that the OECD base erosion and profit shifting, BEPS, process, which is the main international process examining the issue of taxing multinationals, has been more or less exclusive or has operated without the input of developing countries. We perceive this to be one of its major flaws. This process is being driven by the OECD that will create rules, regulations and systems to which developing countries will be obliged to adhere but yet they are not having any input into their development. We have been very clear that the OECD process must take cognisance of and must take the input of developing countries to ensure the process and the systems on which they agree. This is a short window because the OECD BEPS process will finish within a year or perhaps two years. It is a very small window during which developing countries must get their position heard but at present, this is not happening to the degree we would like. This is something on which we have made our position clear to all the departmental officials who represent Ireland in the various OECD processes.

I wish I had something more positive to say to Deputy Mitchell about the women who have been kidnapped. Other than urging the Irish Government to use its influence at European level to put pressure on the Nigerian Government, we have not been able to articulate anything clearer than that. The role we have taken on in the gender-based violence consortium probably will need to take a clear position on where we stand in this regard and this is something on which Christian Aid, as chair, must be more proactive. The point to which Ms Karol Balfe has alluded in our recommendations to the Angolan Government about generating better desegregated data about women and men and how poverty has a different impact on them is very important. It is not something that all development agencies have taken on and we badly need good, clear data that show and illustrate the particular role and degree of marginalisation that women are experiencing. This is the bigger background context in which this is happening and where, at some level, it is considered almost acceptable or perhaps not as condemnable as other scandals of which we have heard. I wish I had something more.

Olivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)
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To be honest, I did not expect an answer. I am sure I just expressed the frustration everyone feels, as we simply are aghast. They are not women, they are children.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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If I may interrupt Deputy Mitchell, I have invited the Nigerian ambassador to appear before the joint committee next week to discuss this alarming situation. I hope to hear from the embassy in the next few days. Hopefully, we will be able to get him to appear before the joint committee within the next week or two. I have asked him to address members of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade on this issue.

Olivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)
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Good.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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Is this information note for debate today?

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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No, its purpose simply is to update members with regard to the current situation.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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I ask because I wish to extend the coverage of this note. It refers to northern Nigeria around Maiduguri and Kano State. I suggest the joint committee should consider carefully what Tony Blair has said about that particular region, which as the Chairman is aware, extends from Niger through the Central African Republic, northern Nigeria and the borders of Cameroon and Chad. Right across this entire region there is revolution by various Muslim fundamentalist groups. The joint committee must address it and the Chairman might help members by asking for Tony Blair's observations on the crisis for their next meeting.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Very well, I will get that information for the Deputy. The only reason the issue is in the correspondence today is because Senator Walsh sought an update on it at last week's meeting. In the meantime, the secretariat and I have decided to invite the Nigerian ambassador, H.E. Mr. Felix Yusufu Pwol, who I know very well, to provide the joint committee with an update on what his country is doing.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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As people keep asking what Europe is doing about that region, I note the French are very annoyed that Europe is so slow in acting. As the Chairman is aware, they moved into Mali.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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This is an issue that can be raised at the appropriate meeting. It is not an issue for today's meeting.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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Were members to restrict this debate to the area around Maiduguri, I note that unfortunately, a vast remaining strip of Africa is experiencing similar difficulties. The French are annoyed that they have been obliged to move into Mali and into the Horn of Africa, as well as driving them back from the Central African Republic.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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That is an issue for another day.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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The joint committee must examine this region very carefully.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Okay, but it is not for today's meeting, as we have witnesses from Christian Aid in attendance. Did Mr. McCaughey wish to conclude?

Mr. Sorley McCaughey:

Finally, I will respond to Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan on whether the departure of other NGOs from the region is of concern to us. At one level, there is strength in numbers and there always is something to be gained and benefitted from by having other NGOs there. That said, we work through partners and consequently, we work with a very broad spectrum and rich group of civil society in Angola. We do not experience a sense of isolation or of being alone in it. I do not know the reasons many of the other NGOs pulled out of it but being in Angola is entirely consistent with our theory of change and where we believe we should be operating if we really are to effect change and to address issues of inequality and poverty. Angola fits that particular profile as well.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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On Angola, the joint committee met the UNITA president some time in early March. He spoke about the frustration of being in opposition in Angolan politics. Obviously, the fact that President dos Santos has been in power for more than 35 years added to this frustration. Does Christian Aid believe a change of regime in Angola would make a difference to the economy and to the widespread corruption that exists within the country?

Ms Karol Balfe:

Our concern is to work with civil society within Angola and the principles on which they operate are respect for human rights of all citizens, equality, gender equality, greater access to land and issues like that. They are not concerned about who is in power but with how that power is exercised. It really is about building the change that really changes the structures. It is not necessarily about who is in power but it is-----

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Does Christian Aid think the present regime could change those structures?

Ms Karol Balfe:

I do not know whether it is our position to comment on that. The crucial issue is we must see better action on human rights and equality. This is something that many organisations, not just Christian Aid, have documented. There are ways in which this can happen with the current administration and we would encourage those agencies, the Irish Government, the United Nations and others - the European Union in particular has an important role considering the amount of funding it gives - to really push for the promotion of human rights within Angola.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I thank Ms Balfe and Mr. McCaughey for their attendance. It is important for the joint committee to highlight the humanitarian situation and the witnesses have been there and have seen it for themselves. As the opposition leader from Angola has also appeared before the joint committee, members are well versed on the difficult situation the Angolan people must endure. Obviously, we will use our role in the United Nations, on its Human Rights Council and any other means possible to highlight this situation, particularly with regard to the present administration. It undoubtedly is quite difficult and the president of the opposition group UNITA expressed his real frustration at being unable to present real change, as well as the frustrations in Parliament and with the media, which are all state-controlled. It is extremely difficult and the fact that many NGOs have left Angola speaks for itself. It is something we will raise and will continue to raise. We wish the witnesses well in their work in Christian Aid and hopefully the joint committee can have a dialogue with them again in the near future. I thank them again for their attendance.