Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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This is our second meeting today. We are as busy as the Tánaiste.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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I am sorry for being late.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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That is fine. We had a very interesting meeting with the makers of the "What in the World" programme on the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I am sure the Tánaiste will get some questions on the issue following his meeting in Brussels on Monday.

I welcome the Tánaiste to today's meeting. I also welcome his officials. I am aware he has a busy schedule. We can tell that from his movements. He is accompanied by Mr. David Donoghue, political director, whom we all know well, Ms Dearbhla Doyle, European correspondent, and Mr. Pat Kelly, director of the Middle East unit. They are all very welcome.

The Tánaiste is present to brief us on the work done by the Foreign Affairs Council of the EU. He is usually present before the meeting but on this occasion he is present after the meeting, which is probably much better given what is happening in the Middle East currently. He will take us through the main points of the discussions and decisions of the Council at its October meeting and bring us up to date on the November meeting which took place on Monday last. I understand that he will also look ahead to other issues that are expected to arise at the December meeting.

A number of the issues that have been in focus at the Foreign Affairs Council have also been the subject of discussions at this committee in recent times. Earlier today the committee heard disturbing accounts of the humanitarian situation in DRC and I am glad to see some movement in the EU approach to the issue reflected in the Council's conclusions.

The Middle East, of course, has rightly been a priority for the council, as it has been for this committee with the escalation of violence in Palestine and Israel adding to the great instability in the region. It is also very difficult to be optimistic about the future of Syria, notwithstanding some developments towards a unified opposition. In addition, the Iranian nuclear programme and other issues remain real concerns in that region. On the Middle East process, I thank the Tánaiste for his comprehensive response to the committee's proposals to him on the question of a ban on the importation of goods originating in the illegal settlements of the West Bank. I know he issued that response indicating a strong commitment to all Members of the House. The Tánaiste has always shown himself to be constructive in his engagement in and his views on the Middle East process, and I know it is high on his agenda.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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I welcome the opportunity to update the committee on discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council in recent months. The Council has a busy agenda and considered a wide range of issues at its meetings in October and November. There continues to be a sharp focus on the conflict in Syria, in light of the continuing deterioration in the situation on the ground there, and the spillover effects on the wider region. More recently, we have had involved discussions on the escalating violence in Gaza. On the Middle East peace process, we have noted with concern the absence of any progress on the resumption of direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Questions are being raised increasingly about the viability of a two-state solution in light of the steady expansion of Israeli settlements within the Occupied Palestinian Territory. I propose to address these issues first, and then to update the committee briefly on the other main topics which have featured in our discussions at recent meetings of the Foreign Affairs Council or which we expect to address at our next meeting in December.

I will start with the situation in Gaza and the Middle East peace process. The escalating violence and conflict in Gaza and southern Israel was the major issue on our agenda at this week's Council meeting. More than 100 people in Gaza, many of them women and children, have been killed since the eruption of the crisis. Five Israelis have also been killed as a result of rocket fire from Gaza during the same period. Urgent international efforts are under way to bring the hostilities to an end and to implement an immediate ceasefire. The Egyptian Government has been chairing important mediation talks in Cairo.

The Council agreed this week that the absolute priority is to secure an end to the violence and the suffering being caused to innocent civilians. I fully support the international mediation efforts which are under way and I commend Egypt and other regional players such as Turkey and Qatar on their efforts. The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, is currently visiting the region and hopefully can lend his considerable experience and stature to the search for a full cessation of hostilities.

However bad the current situation in Gaza is, it would be made infinitely worse if Israel were to proceed to launch a ground offensive. Such a step would be disastrous, not just for the people of Gaza but for the entire region. This latest bloody and tragic escalation of conflict only serves to highlight how little progress there has been in addressing the real problems in Gaza since the end of Operation Cast Lead almost four years ago. The international community must renew its efforts to persuade Israel to end its unjust and counterproductive blockade of Gaza.

However, just as Palestinians in Gaza are entitled to live in peace and security, so too are the people of Israel. There must, therefore, be a complete end to the utterly unacceptable rocket attacks which have been launched from Gaza against southern Israel and now, indeed, the entire country. All sides to this conflict, as was emphasised in this week's Council conclusions, must fully respect international humanitarian law.

Ultimately, the problems afflicting Gaza will only really be resolved in the context of progress towards a resumption of peace negotiations and the achievement of a comprehensive two-state solution. Our conclusions this week clearly recognised this and the importance of sustained EU engagement in the search for peace.

In this regard, the Council considered this week, as it did also at its meeting last month, the resolution seeking observer state status at the UN which the Palestinians plan to table later this month. A draft resolution to this effect has been circulated in New York. I have indicated, including in my address to the UN General Assembly last September, that Ireland would be willing to support a resolution which was reasonable and balanced and which recognised clearly the need to restart political negotiations aimed at a final and comprehensive peace agreement. I reiterated this position in my consultations with EU colleagues this week. Given the EU's long-standing support for Palestinian statehood, I do not believe that it would be credible to attempt to persuade the Palestinians to delay action, as some have been suggesting, on the very modest step forward which they are seeking at the UN.

Consultations will continue among member states over the coming days to see whether it is possible for the EU to reach a common position on this issue. Realistically, however, there is little prospect of all 27 agreeing to vote in favour of the resolution. A common position of abstention would, in my view and in that of several other member states, raise serious issues of credibility and relevance for the EU and would be very damaging to the Union's reputation both in the region and further afield.

We devoted much time this week, and also at earlier meetings, to the steadily worsening conflict in Syria. Hundreds of people continue to be killed in Syria every week, and a major humanitarian emergency is looming there with the onset of winter. In the words of Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN and Arab League's joint special representative for this conflict, Syria now faces a stark choice: either there is a political settlement of some sort or it risks becoming a failed state. While the chances of early political progress remain slim, the special representative is pursuing all options, including that of building on elements of the agreement reached in Geneva last June.

There has, however, been one positive development. Agreement was reached in Doha earlier this month on the creation of a new umbrella opposition grouping called the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces. The establishment of a unified, democratic opposition, comprising both internal and external opponents of the regime, has long been sought by the international community. It is to be hoped that this new group will succeed in bringing together all strands of opposition opinion. A number of EU partners have moved to recognise it as the sole legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. However, Ireland and most other EU member states believe more time is needed before according formal recognition to a body which has only just been established and about which relatively little is known as yet.

Concerns over Iran's nuclear programme also continue to feature heavily on the Council's agenda. Last month we adopted a further package of sanctions, mostly centred on the financial sector and aimed at persuading Iran to engage seriously in the process of negotiations with the E3+3. Now that the US election is out of the way, High Representative Ashton will endeavour, on behalf of the E3+3, to organise a new round of negotiations with Iran. There is, in my view, no alternative to diplomatic means for resolving this issue.

Africa is a high priority for Ireland and I welcome the attention that African issues are receiving at present in the Foreign Affairs Council. At both the October and November Councils, we discussed the crisis in the Sahel region of north-western Africa and in particular the crisis in Mali. The EU has an important contribution to make to the resolution of this crisis, which poses major threats and risks for the region as a whole and, indeed, for Europe. We are pressing the Malian parties to agree a political roadmap which would facilitate a return to constitutional governance. When that roadmap is in place, the EU will resume bilateral development co-operation funding to support Mali's economy.

Plans are being made for a military force with ECOWAS and African Union involvement which would help the Malian authorities to re-establish law and order throughout the country. The High Representative and the External Action Service are also planning for a possible EU CSDP mission to train the Malian army.

As regards next steps, ECOWAS has agreed a concept of operations for military deployment and this has been approved by the African Union. This will now be considered by the UN Security Council with a view to the passing of a resolution in the coming weeks. Such a resolution is essential before any deployment can take place and it should also provide a framework for the proposed EU CSDP mission. The European Union will also continue to play a central role in responding to the humanitarian needs of civilians and displaced people in Mali and neighbouring countries.

As the Chairman stated, the committee discussed the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo earlier this afternoon. The crisis in the eastern region of that country was discussed by Ministers at the Council's meeting this week. We issued comprehensive conclusions in which we condemned the activities of the so-called M23 group which is responsible for the latest upsurge in violence. We are calling for an end to all violence, including rape and sexual violence, human rights abuses and the use of child soldiers by all armed groups. The European Union is supporting the efforts of the DRC Government to reform the armed forces and to achieve peace and stability throughout the entire country. I placed particular emphasis on the need for all sides to fulfil their obligations under international humanitarian law in terms of protecting the civilian population and allowing unhindered access for humanitarian agencies and aid workers.

The Foreign Affairs Council has also continued to focus on the countries in the European Union's eastern neighbourhood. The October Council considered the recent parliamentary elections in Belarus and Georgia. We welcomed the peaceful transfer of power in Georgia and the statement by prime minister designate, Mr. Ivanishvili, that Georgia will continue on the path of European integration. On Belarus, we regretted that the parliamentary elections had not been conducted in line with international standards. I should say that, as chair of the OSCE, Ireland has sought to maintain a critical dialogue with Belarus with the eventual aim of re-establishing an OSCE presence in the country.

This week we had a strategic discussion of the situation in Ukraine ahead of an anticipated further discussion next month. The key issue for the Union is how to assess the recent parliamentary elections in Ukraine. The free and fair conduct of elections is one of the three conditions that the European Union elaborated earlier this year for movement towards signature, and then ratification, of the association agreement with Ukraine. The other two conditions are addressing the selective application of justice and advancing the reform agenda. While the parliamentary elections can be assessed positively in a number of respects, there have also been a range of concerns, as the OSCE-ODIHR preliminary report brought out. It is important that these issues are addressed credibly and quickly by the Ukrainian authorities. However, I would stress that Ireland remains committed to achieving the association agreement. We have always wanted to see the European Union and Ukraine build closer ties, but the speed with which this can happen depends in large part on Ukraine.

Of course, developments in the eastern neighbourhood are heavily influenced by Russia. The European Union strategic partnership with Russia remains critical for the Union as it seeks to improve the conditions for mutual trade and investment and to advance political co-operation and, in so doing, to work towards the so-called new agreement with Russia. The European Union, for its part, must also work to ensure its political and human rights dialogues continue to address areas where our perspectives with Russia differ. European Union-Russia relations will be discussed at the December Foreign Affairs Council, FAC, in preparation for the European Union-Russia summit in Brussels in December 2012. Although there are differences between the Union and Russia over certain international issues, most notably Syria, and recent internal developments in Russia have also given grounds for concern, the scope for co-operation between the Union and Russia on the partnership and modernisation agenda remains significant. In this regard, I would like to see the discussion in the December FAC focus on practical areas where the summit can give a positive impetus.

The October Foreign Affairs Council held an exchange of views on the European Union's relations with its strategic partners, including a discussion on China in advance of a discussion at the October European Council. The outcome of the European Union-China summit meeting on 20 September formed the backdrop to the discussions. The summit, which was Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's last before he steps down as premier, reflected on the significant progress in European Union-China relations that has been achieved in the past ten years, especially in the area of trade. The European Union's main strategic objectives remain clear: first, to promote further economic ties and exchanges; and second, to encourage China to further open up its society, to be a responsible global player and to be a more responsible actor in its region. During the discussion at the recent European Council, the Taoiseach indicated Ireland's desire to develop further the European Union-China relationship during our EU Presidency. In this regard, conclusion of a European Union-China trade and investment agreement, currently under negotiation, would be significant. Since the European Council, the 18th party Congress has taken place in China. Mr. Xi Jinping, who visited Ireland in February, has been appointed General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and will take over as president in March 2013.

Over lunch at this week's Council, Foreign and Defence Ministers held a useful orientation debate on defence policy in advance of the anticipated discussions in this area at the European Council in December 2013. While we are at an early stage in this process, there is general agreement that there is a need to ensure the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy can be maintained and enhanced so that the EU can respond effectively to crises.

This week's Council also considered how best to take forward the European Union's relations with Cuba against the backdrop of recent developments there. We agreed that, while the EU's Common Position on Cuba remains the basis of our approach to relations with that country, work can begin on drafting a mandate for negotiations on a possible bilateral agreement. Ireland supports closer engagement with Cuba, while stressing the importance of Cuba's adherence to human rights. I am pleased with the outcome of the Council in this regard.

Next month's Foreign Affairs Council will see consideration of the Commission's annual enlargement strategy. As is normal practice, the General Affairs Council will adopt conclusions on European Union enlargement but the Foreign Affairs Council will have an opportunity to discuss these in advance, in so far as they relate to the Western Balkans. The adopted conclusions will shape the agenda in this area for the six months of Ireland's EU Presidency.

As the committee will be aware, Ireland has just been elected to the United Nations Human Rights Council for a three-year term which begins on 1 January 2013, the same day as we assume the Presidency of the European Union. I thank the Chairman and all the members of the committee for the support they gave to Ireland's campaign for Human Rights Council membership. The committee's support was important. In situations such as these, Government needs to work with the support of Parliament and civil society. It was tremendously encouraging to know that our candidature was firmly supported by committee and also by civil society in Ireland. This made a difference in terms of helping to consolidate our national reputation as a strong supporter of human rights globally. In electing Ireland, the membership of the United Nations General Assembly has recognised the strength of our attachment to the United Nations, our efforts to improve global human rights and our commitment to overseas development assistance through Irish Aid. Our election is something of which we can all be proud, and I thank the committee again for its support.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Gilmore. We congratulated him personally at last week's meeting and we have written to him in that regard as well. We also congratulate our diplomats abroad, particularly in Geneva and in the United Nations, for their work. At every opportunity here when we met diplomats, we highlighted Ireland's candidature for the Human Rights Council.

Before I hand over to Deputy Smith, I have one question on the situation in Gaza. With the major players in the Middle East today, both the US Secretary of State, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, and the United Nations Secretary General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, in Egypt and Jerusalem, respectively, and news emerging that there will be a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas within hours, what will be the effect of the bus explosion in Tel Aviv on any imminent ceasefire? The Tánaiste might answer that when he is answering questions from Deputy Smith.

Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade for his comprehensive report on the Council meetings.

On the situation in Gaza, he correctly stated that it was the major issue, along with other important issues, before the Council and we hope that a ceasefire can be secured. I presume the Council sent a full message of support to the Egyptian President and others who have been working to achieve a ceasefire.

It is also necessary to make very clear to the Israeli Prime Minister, the Egyptian President, the Arab League and the UN Secretary General that a complete halt to rocket attacks and the cessation of all military strikes is absolutely essential. Was a commitment given by the Council to provide humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip to assist civilians who have unfortunately been badly injured? We are also conscious of the significant loss of life. I understand there is a problem with medical supplies and understandably hospitals are overstretched due to the serious violence which has erupted.

The Council welcomed the formation of a new unified front of the Syrian opposition. Previously in correspondence the Tánaiste called for a comprehensive arms embargo. France indicated through media reports that it had called for defensive arms to be allowed to the Syrian opposition. The terminology used in some of the French media, according to correspondence I received from particular interest groups, referred to the French Government asking that defensive weapons be excluded from the arms embargo to help rebels fight President Assad's regime. There was commentary in the British media that Mr. Hague has also made comments to this effect. If the Council welcomed the formation of the new unified front, did discussions take place on what practical support would be given to such an opposition group? Did the Council address reports of a growing radical Islamic militant element in the opposition? Has this impacted on the stance taken today by the Council?

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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The Chairman and Deputy Smith asked about the bomb explosion in Tel Aviv today. What appears to have been a bomb exploded on a local bus in Tel Aviv, and the attack was very close to our embassy there. It is reported that approximately 18 people were injured, most of them lightly, and thankfully no fatalities have been reported. However, some of the injured may be more critical. This attack is a new and unwelcome development which has unfortunately raised tensions at a sensitive time when ceasefire negotiations seem to be coming to a successful conclusion. While the timing seems likely to have been inspired by events in Gaza, it is possible there may be no direct link. Physically, it seems more likely the bomb may have come from a source in the West Bank. Already, as is common in these cases, more than one group has claimed responsibility including the Popular Resistance Committees, a Gaza based group which murdered eight Israeli civilians near the Sinai border last year. This attack may complicate, and may have been intended to complicate, the finalising of a ceasefire agreement and to increase the possibility of the Israeli Government seeming to show more security results. If this was the intention of the bombers, I hope it will not succeed. Attacks of this nature in Tel Aviv have been very rare in recent years largely due to the comprehensive security co-operation of the Palestinian Authority security forces in the West Bank.

With regard to the issues raised by Deputy Smith, we had a discussion about Gaza at the Foreign Affairs Council. We agreed the efforts of the Egyptian Government and other players to broker a ceasefire agreement provided the best chance of bringing the exchange of attacks to an end and we expressed full support for these efforts. The Council reiterated the need for an immediate ceasefire and noted this outbreak of violence underlined the urgent need for progress to achieve a wider political settlement to the Israel Palestine conflict. The Department has been in contact with Egyptian officials to express our support and encouragement for their efforts.

The formation of a more unified coalition of opposition groupings in Syria is a significant development in so far as all strands of the opposition have now been apparently united under a single structure which will give them greater credibility and legitimacy when speaking on behalf of the Syrian people, and is a major progress towards an all-Syrian political dialogue. The issue of recognition was extensively discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday. France in particular has decided to press ahead and recognise the Syrian National Coalition as the legitimate representative of all Syrians and sought to persuade other EU partners to follow track. However, most partners, including Ireland, have adopted a more cautious approach on this subject and believe it would be premature to recognise the Syrian National Coalition at this stage when the new body has only just been established. Ireland has also been influenced by the private views conveyed to our delegation by Joint Special Representative Brahimi at the recent EU Arab League ministerial meeting in Cairo, where he similarly urged caution on the issue of recognition. We believe there is much work to be done by the new coalition to ensure it fully reflects the wider sensibilities of the Syrian population, and in particular includes a fair representation of women and the ethnic and religious groups which form the fabric of Syrian society. The forthcoming appointment of its leadership council will be particularly important in determining how inclusive and reflective of all strands of Syrian society the new structure is. With regard to the issue of arming opposition groups, the October Foreign Affairs Council clearly warned against the dangers of further militarisation of the conflict and therefore I remain opposed to any suggestions we should now consider relaxing the EU arms embargo in light of developments in Doha.

An issue also raised was the infiltration by non-Syrian jihadists, mercenaries and extremists into the ranks of the Syrian armed opposition. This is also a cause of great concern. It is a grave development which will only further complicate the search for a political solution in Syria, and it increases the risk of the conflict being extended to the wider region. No call was made in the EU conclusions for the provision of humanitarian aid to Gaza. However, nationally, I am considering providing additional funding to UNRWA to assist it in its work in Gaza. The director general of UNRWA came before the committee recently and briefed it on the great work it is doing.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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As eight more committee members wish to speak, I ask people to confine their contributions to questions rather than speeches.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the Tánaiste and his colleagues. The Tánaiste spoke about the situation in Gaza and mentioned that more than 100 people have been killed. The figure from Gaza is 140 Palestinians. It is important to get an accurate figure. Perhaps the document provided by the Tánaiste is dated. Many people were upset by a recent statement made by him on the escalation of violence in Gaza. He stated it was triggered by sustained rocket attacks on towns in Israel.

People, locally, would have a different view on that. They would argue there was a two-week lull in violence at the end of October and beginning of November and that Israeli soldiers invaded Gaza on 8 November, which led to people being killed. It is important to set out the context and sequence of events because the message has been put out that it is because of the Palestinians that this response has been evoked.

One of the people who, I believe, is head of health services there is an Irish passport holder. I talked to a person who has just come back from Gaza and he spoke about some of the incidents that have occurred. He saw with his own eyes two young lads shot when they were up a height trying to fix a water tower. He visited a football pitch which was one of the areas destroyed. That pitch where children played football was supposed to have been one of the military targets. He spoke of the problem experienced by dialysis patients when the electricity is cut off and they are not able to have their treatment. He spoke about the difficulties experienced in the natal clinic with regard to premature babies in incubators when the electricity is cut off. He also spoke about the difficulties of having nowhere to store blood supplies, of the shortage of blood and of trying to cope with the large number of people seeking medical care. It would be useful if we were to talk to that Irish passport holder, who trained in the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland and worked in Dublin. The person I spoke to said that increasingly patients from some of the areas bordering Gaza are presenting with unusual symptoms. They believe they have been poisoned. They do not know if it is from chemical weapons or uranium shells. They have called for an international investigation into what is going on. Will the Tánaiste support that request as, increasingly, more people in that area are experiencing health problems?

We received a note on public policy in regard to the banning of settlement goods. Could the Tánaiste clarify on what case law his legal advisers are relying to assert that the public policy exception is narrowly construed in this regard?

The Tánaiste spoke about the situation in Syria. We know very little about the opposition group there. Does France know much about it? Did that arise in the discussions on this area? A question was asked in the German Parliament about the Syrian opposition group and the military intelligence there said that a large proportion of its members were made up of foreign volunteers but that there was also a big al-Qaeda element in its make-up. The EU's position regarding the non-formal recognition of that body is a positive step because we do not know from where this group has come.

On the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we just listened to a report on the number of people who have been killed there over a nine-year period. Some 5.4 million people have been killed and 2.2 million people have been displaced. Is there anything the EU can do, particularly in terms of the UN changing its mandate in regard to this area? We need to propose positive solutions to try to resolve conflicts in this region. The Tánaiste spoke about proposals in respect of Mali. Will he raise similar proposals at the next Council meeting to address conflict in that region?

David Norris (Independent)
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I support what Deputy Crowe said about the question of imports from settlements in the West Bank. This may not be the best time to raise it because very sensitive negotiations are taking place. I am not expecting the Tánaiste to raise this issue immediately. There is a very important legal aspect to this. I have an opinion from a learned counsel, of which perhaps the Tánaiste is aware, which indicates that the State is under a duty not to give preferential treatment to these goods, that it is under an obligation to take this seriously and that it would be permissible for the State to take a unilateral step. It does not have to wait for the rest of Europe. Various case laws have cited the case of Brita, a fruit juice company, versus the Hauptzollamt Hamburg-Hafen, the customs authorities in Hamburg, which went to the European Court of Justice, and the decision on it was a very useful one. I will not go into because it is far too technical. The clear indications are that products originating in the West Bank do not fall within the territorial scope of the EC-Israel agreement, the Euromed agreement, and therefore they can be subject to this measure, in addition to which, the Israeli settlements in Palestine have been held by the International Court of Justice to be illegal. There is a mass of law in this respect. On the question of the European Court of Justice holding that public policy exception could be construed narrowly in respect of the free movement of goods within the Union, it emerges that such a restrictive interpretation would not apply to goods which were banned from Ireland. I have further legal opinion on this.

The Tánaiste might give a general response on this matter and I could pass on to him the various legal opinions. It would be very helpful if we knew, as Deputy Crowe said, the basis in case law on which this decision was made. The very moment might not be the best time but we have to be involved in the process. I join those who have condemned the bombing in Tel Aviv and also the brutal execution of seven people in Palestine, in Gaza, suspected of being informants. One principle to which I hold is the right to a trial and the right to due process. We do not have that even with our American friends when they use their drones. What has happened to the right to represent oneself and the right to be tried?
The Tánaiste, interestingly, spoke about the application for a limited form of UN representation and apparently there is not a unified position on this by the Council of Foreign Ministers. What will happen in that case? The Tánaiste has not specified it. Will there be a free vote? In that case will Ireland vote for this limited form of recognition? I certainly hope it would. The Tánaiste said it would be damaging for the reputation of Europe and for the whole situation if we had a Common Position of abstention. I would hope that in the absence of that, there would be a free vote.
I support what was said about the Democratic Republic of Congo. What can be done? Can the International Criminal Court be involved, particularly with regard to the involvement of states and named members of their governments in Rwanda and Uganda?
On Syria, the Tánaiste, interestingly, said that it is a welcome development that a loose coalition was developing among opponents of the Assad regime but indicated that since it was only just established, we did not know enough about its complexion to give it formal recognition. What can we do short of that? I note the Tánaiste's principled objection to intruding further into the situation. Can we give support and encouragement that falls short of formal engagement and, if so, what kind of support and encouragement would that be?
I look forward to some correspondence with the Tánaiste on the detailed legal matter I raised and I will not bother the committee with it.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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The Tánaiste might reply to questions raised by Deputy Crowe and Senator Norris.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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Their questions cover a number of areas.

Let me just organise my notes into a kind of thematic sequence, if the committee does not mind.

David Norris (Independent)
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The Tánaiste may have noticed I was trying to do that, although not with any great success. I have just come from that meeting.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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First of all, as regards Gaza, the latest information I have from our embassy is that a ceasefire is expected to be announced shortly. The US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, is there at the moment and I understand it is expected that a ceasefire will be announced shortly. Clearly, that would be really welcome.

Deputy Crowe mentioned the number of people who have been killed. There is a need for a definite assessment of that but it is not an issue of numbers. The killing of any people in these circumstances is just wrong and that is what we want to see ended. I have also said that Israel does have a right to protect the safety of its own people. Rocket attacks into Israel should not be happening. They should end. That said, however, the way in which Israel has responded to the situation is disproportionate. That also has to end. Some kind of a ground offensive by Israel in Gaza would be horrific and would lead to major consequences.

I heard what Deputy Crowe said about an Irish passport holder who is in a position to give us some first-hand information about the situation on the ground. We would certainly be interested to hear that and we will listen to it.

On the issue of settlement products, this has arisen from the conclusions which were reached at the Foreign Affairs Council in May when a strong statement was made by the European Union in respect of the settlements and the degree to which the continuation of settlements will render a two-state solution impossible. During that discussion I raised the possibility of a ban being put at EU level on products from the settlements, as a way for the EU to enforce the position it has taken on the issue of settlements. I have asked for an update to be done at the Foreign Affairs Council on the May conclusions. That will then give us an opportunity to examine what steps can be taken at EU level to apply some pressure. Of course, events, particularly in relation to Gaza, have overtaken it in the meantime.

The other issue I referred to was the question that has been raised both by Senator Norris and Deputy Crowe. It is about the vote at the UN. Members of the committee will recall that last year there was a lot of discussion prior to the General Assembly in 2011 of Palestine seeking full membership of the United Nations and applying to the Security Council for that. In the event, what was advanced was the idea of observer status. It is similar to the status of the Holy See at the UN. We support the Palestinian application for observer status. Obviously, I will have to see the final text of whatever resolution is actually voted upon, but I have already indicated that we are favourably disposed to voting in favour of that resolution.

At the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday, there was a discussion by some members states who had previously been opposed to the resolution. They indicated that they would be willing to agree a common EU position of abstaining on it - in other words, that they would move from voting "No" to abstaining, provided there was a common EU agreement on such a position. I indicated that we were not disposed towards that. Ireland's position, as already indicated, was that we were favourably disposed to the motion and to voting in favour of it. I am certainly not convinced of the value of a common position which would simply be a common position to abstain. There are issues around the EU's credibility which arise in that context.

David Norris (Independent)
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May I ask the Tánaiste a question?

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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Yes.

David Norris (Independent)
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He indicated that we took a unilateral position with regard to the representation of Palestine at the UN in the same manner as the Holy See. Why then can we not take a unilateral position with regard to goods from the territories? I do not believe it would be the time to do it during this sensitive period of negotiation, but in a week's time perhaps we can make the preparation. If we take a unilateral position on one, surely we can on the other.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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We had better move on because there are other speakers as well.

David Norris (Independent)
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He did not answer that, but perhaps he could now.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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The Senator has kept him away from looking at his notes.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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First of all, the issue of external trade policy and controls is an EU competence rather than a national one. The issue of how we vote at the UN is a national one. Ultimately, it is a decision for us as a State.

Second, at a practical level, any step that is taken needs to be effective. Clearly, the whole purpose of what we are trying to do is to give clout to the EU position, which was adopted in May. It clearly makes more sense that we do that on a common EU basis rather than on an individual, national basis. I do not have the details of individual cases here but the European Court of Justice has very narrowly interpreted the public policy exemption.

David Norris (Independent)
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I have further legal opinion on that, which I will give to the Tánaiste. I am just indicating that I will pass on the correspondence to him.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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I would be happy to have that.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I will let the Tánaiste look at his notes.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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Let me answer about the DRC, or does the Chairman want to take other questions? I am in his hands.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I might take Deputies Durkan and Eric Byrne because they probably have questions on the DRC as well. The Tánaiste can be putting his thoughts together on that.

Bernard Durkan (Kildare North, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Tánaiste for coming before the committee again and for his comprehensive report. We have discussed the Gaza issue on many occasions in the past. My own belief is that this was bound to happen. There was no peace process or structure in place for the last couple of years. It was a period waiting for something to happen, as has occurred now. In the aftermath of the US presidential election, might it be feasible for the EU to co-operate with the US, in a major way that has not happened heretofore, with a view to setting up some kind of a permanent ongoing structure? It could be used as a place to air grievances instead of responding to grievances with military force, by either side. In other words, it would be a permanent peace process whereby the opposing combatants can attend, and be encouraged to attend as opposed to waiting for something else to happen. I am not suggesting that the witnesses present are waiting for something to happen, but it is just a fact of life and has been the pattern since I have been involved in politics.

I shall now turn to the DRC and similar situations worldwide.

I refer to the access and resort to the international war crimes tribunal and the need to take action that is specific, definite and clearly in the vision of those who are perpetrating appalling crimes throughout Africa and elsewhere. This already has been demonstrated in respect of Mr. Taylor, who at present is serving his sentence in the Netherlands, instead of in more convivial surroundings from which he might perhaps have escaped. Members previously have discussed the apparent ineffectiveness of the United Nations in such conflict situations but is it possible to put in place a sequence of events that would automatically kick in to address the kind of issues that now are evident in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC? It is neither today nor yesterday since such events started. While the international community is looking on, apparently helpless, many international and multinational corporations work and operate within the area. They have in place their own independent security systems, which operate independently to the exclusion of the national population as though they have been superimposed on the local community from the sky. This also has been evident elsewhere recently. Is it possible, again in co-operation with the United Nations, to try to focus on the number of multinational corporations operating in areas that are resource-rich and from whence they draw considerable profits and in which investment takes place in a manner that meets the requirements of the international investors but not those of the local population? I will conclude by stating that on foot of what members saw in recent weeks in that general region, I do not believe it to be possible for nothing to happen when one has total and absolute poverty and no services whatsoever while having, at the same time, the extraction of rich mineral resources, apparently with international approval. All that can follow from that is deep unrest and eventual upheaval. I acknowledge this issue has been tossed around for a long time and that the Tánaiste is both aware of it and has raised it previously but the time has come for a new impetus and emphasis on it.

Eric Byrne (Dublin South Central, Labour)
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Two good things happened in recent weeks. The American President has secured another four years in office, while the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping, probably has got a further ten years in which to rule China. This means the two most important presidents or chairmen, who have a key role to play in international affairs, now are in place. If one takes note of the reports in this regard, it is to be hoped that America may look afresh at its embargo on Cuba. Moreover, I welcome the debate that has taken place at European Council level on looking afresh on Cuba, while noting the Cubans must abide by the human rights clauses.

I wish to discuss three individual countries and will start with Palestine. Our position on Palestine is quite clear and I fully support both the Tánaiste's position on Palestine and his work at European level in gaining observer status for the Palestinians at the United Nations. I wish to ask two specific questions of the Tánaiste. The Palestinians are a complicated group of people and do themselves no good by dragging the bodies of so-called collaborators behind motorbikes, as the television footage in this regard was quite revolting. Hamas must be told there are standards by which we wish to abide, that this is not the way and that such people also have human rights. I may not have been in Ireland when the Tánaiste responded, if at all, to the horrendous attack by Palestinians who slaughtered Egyptian troops in Sinai. Such behaviour is unacceptable. Perhaps the Tánaiste has issued statements and perhaps he is familiar with the case of the slaughter of the aforementioned border guards by Palestinians entering from Sinai. My concluding reference to Palestine is to a plan that probably already is under way to exhume the body of Yasser Arafat, who may well have been poisoned. Is the Tánaiste up to date with regard to developments in that respect?

I will turn briefly to the Congo, on which members have had a lengthy debate and note that with 5 million dead and with it being the rape region of the world, we must get our heads together collectively and do something more seriously than is the case at present. I understand that Goma has been taken over by some of the forces that probably have emanated from Rwanda. I call on the Tánaiste to consider seriously the need for the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda to be collectively pressurised into working towards the achievement of peace in that immediate area. It is members' understanding that the reason this particular part of the Congo is attracting so much violence is based clearly on the mineral resources therein. Moreover, it appears that to date, Rwanda in particular, with the possible involvement of Uganda, has been fomenting dissent in the Congo to access the very rich diamond and other natural resources that exist there. I will conclude my remarks on the Congo by reminding the Tánaiste that in Sierra Leone, they brought Charles Taylor to court and he was found guilty. I believe he may have received a 50-year sentence but he was found guilty on a number of other issues, which included recruiting, training and using child soldiers and second, creating soldier brides, which essentially involved kidnapping women and making them sexual subjects for soldiers. He was found guilty in respect of such practices, which are widespread in eastern Congo. The Tánaiste might use his good offices and services to bring that region more into focus.

I will conclude by referring to my pet subject, namely, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, and election monitoring. What I find about the Ukraine and other countries in which I have been engaged in monitoring is very interesting. It is that the OSCE sends in a core team for perhaps two or three months before the actual election date, which then issues an interim report. I plead with the Tánaiste that such interim reports should not be published while well-intentioned and tremendously hard-working election workers are still working under ferocious conditions. Such workers, who may be operating in primitive conditions involving queueing and who may not have slept for 36 hours because they have been bringing ballot papers to the counting areas, then hear, having gone through an entire democratic process of voting, consolidating the votes and transporting them to the current centre, the preliminary reports from the OSCE, which invariably are relatively negative. This is because over the previous three months, the OSCE team will have examined the imbalance in media coverage and the abuse of administrative resources, usually by the incumbent government, as well as the political financing of candidates and parties. It is demoralising for those democrats when they hear that although the election and the counts have not yet been completed, the OSCE finds negatively. I have seen this happen in a number of countries and I plead that the Tánaiste use his good offices to suggest to the OSCE that it wait for at least a day or two while the polling material and boxes are returned and their contents counted, because such declarations demoralise those people who have been working so hard on the electoral front.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Four other members have indicated that they wish to contribute. If members have questions on the Congo or Gaza, I will take them now and if they have other questions, I will revert to them later. I ask members to confine themselves to the Congo and Gaza for this round, rather than having the Tánaiste answering questions again on the same issues.

Gerald Nash (Louth, Labour)
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I have two or three specific points to make in respect of the Congo and Gaza. I warmly welcome the Tánaiste's comments on additional resources being made available to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, the director general of which members met recently.

Deputy Durkan and I met informally with the chief field medical officer, Dr. Mohammad Maqadma, and I understand other members met him separately. He explained that there were resource issues in October. Clearly, those resource issues are much more acute now. Could the Tánaiste provide us with some information in terms of the quantum of resources we will be making available to UNRWA in light of the escalation?

In regard to the Congo, Margot Wallström is reported as having said that the Congo is the rape capital of the world. The Harvard humanitarian index highlighted a 17-fold increase in incidences of rape in the Congo. That was reported to us in our earlier session this afternoon and some very compelling cases were recounted to us by those who were in the DRC. Given that the UN mandate involves protecting civilians and providing them with security, is the Tánaiste of the view that the UN mandate needs to be reviewed or remodelled and enhanced to take account of those sorts of circumstances which are completely intolerable and entirely unacceptable? Will Ireland, in the context of its membership of the UN Human Rights Council, raise this as an issue and put it on the agenda in the context of our work on the human rights council?

Jim Walsh (Fianna Fail)
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I found the report from the Tánaiste very good. The approach being taken is sensible, reasonable and measured in most areas and I did not find myself in any great disagreement with it.

In regard to Gaza, I agree with what the Tánaiste said. I encourage him to continue his efforts to try to get Europe to come to a cohesive view on it. I am thinking back to the initiatives Jimmy Carter took back in the 1970s. Great efforts were made at that time with the Egyptians. Something like that needs to be done and I am inclined to agree with Deputy Durkan that it should be done on the basis of a permanent structure that would continue to try to find agreement there.

I have been critical of the settlements, as have other members, simply because it is almost getting to the stage where a two-state solution is becoming impossible, and that is unacceptable. Pressure needs to be brought to bear on Israel to accept that and to discontinue settlements. We also need to say in a balanced way that Israel is entitled to ensure its borders are safe and secure and that its citizens are not subject to attack going forward.

Is there anything we can do, particularly given that our EU Presidency is coming up next year, to build a coalition with the Americans? It is timely because the Obama Administration will continue for the next four years. Hilary Clinton may be leaving office, but perhaps she would be a very suitable person, and the EU could become involved. We could build a consensus which could work hard to put pressure on both sides to come to an agreement and which could use the force of moral pressure internationally. However, we need cohesion to provide a basis for the ending of the settlements and to lay the foundations and to move forward to try build the confidence and trust needed because this keeps happening.

I was in Rwanda two or three years ago and I was near the Congolese border where they had what I would describe as decontamination centres for Hutus who had gone across the border after the genocide and had fought in the forests in the Congo as paramilitaries. As has been said, the situation there is horrific. They were bringing these people back and keeping them for three months in this centre before trying to integrate them back into their local communities. They would then face the Gacaca courts or whatever else to try to deal with the legacy issue in Rwanda.

There has been some criticism of Rwanda but I was very impressed by what I saw the Rwandan Government doing. We met President Paul Kagame at the time and I thought he had a very good vision not only for Rwanda but for eastern Africa.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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I will start with Deputy Byrne's question on the way in which OSCE election monitoring is done. There has been a long-established OSCE practice in regard to election monitoring. One of the difficulties is that there is an expectation and an clamour immediately following elections for the report on what the election monitors concluded. The election takes place and the world's press is always looking for the outcome of the monitoring and whether the elections are free, fair and so on. That demand for a response is why the interim report is made. I have heard what the Deputy said about the impact on people who are on the ground doing the monitoring and who have to complete their work. We will have that suggestion looked at.

In regard to Gaza, the Palestinian-Israeli situation and the Middle East peace process, Deputy Durkan and Senator Walsh rightly raised the window of opportunity there is now following the United States presidential election and the situation where the European Union agreed in May to a common position on settlements. We need to be open to what could happen if the European Union and the United States - of course, we have the quartet structure in place and it does not require setting in place any new structure - could co-operate and get real movement in getting a long-term permanent settlement of the conflict in the Middle East. That is something we all must be open to. A real prospect of that would change things very significantly.

On Deputy Nash's question about UNRWA, I indicated I was looking at the provision of additional resources for UNRWA but I am not in a position today to make an announcement on that. I will communicate the announcement to the committee Chairman and the Deputy when it is made.

On the killing of the Egyptian soldiers raised by Deputy Byrne, that incident took place a number of months ago and was most likely carried out by one of the Jihadist or Salafist groups based in Gaza. I condemn such violence. It does not serve the Palestinian cause or the people of Gaza in any way. Unfortunately, such extremism poses a very real threat to the efforts being made to advance Palestinian reconciliation.

In regard to the situation in the DRC, this country has had a very troubled history. It has had long periods of authoritarian dictatorships and vicious civil war for most of its post-colonial existence. The elections held in 2006, with UN organisational assistance and significant EU financial support, were the first democratic elections to happen in the DRC for almost half a century and signified a major step on the road towards genuine democratic reform in that country. The process was by no means perfect and many problems were identified but it allowed for the establishment of an elected legitimate government.

Further presidential and legislative elections were organised in November 2011. The fact that these were arranged largely without external support represents another step forward on the path to democracy. The European Union sent an observer mission and Irish observers were part of that. We were not satisfied with some aspects of the preparation of the electoral process and we were very concerned about the violence that happened before, during and after polling.

With regard to UN involvement in the DRC, following the signing of the Lusaka ceasefire agreement in July 1999 between the DRC and five regional states, the Security Council established the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo - MONUC - through Resolution 1279. Initially it was to plan for the observation of the ceasefire and the disengagement of forces and to maintain liaison with all parties up to the ceasefire agreement. Later, in a series of resolutions, the Council expanded the mandate of MONUC to the supervision of the implementation of the ceasefire agreement and assigned multiple related tasks to it. The United Nations has also been to the fore in the efforts to restore democracy and improve governance.

The various human rights abuses in the DRC are well documented and they are deeply disturbing. Ireland is in touch with other Governments and donors, particularly on the issue of violence against women. This is a priority for us; it is one of the issues we flagged during our candidacy for the Human Rights Council and the committee can be assured that we will raise this at the HRC in Geneva.

The European Union is playing an active role in supporting efforts to bring about an end to the conflicts in the DRC and to support progress towards peace, stability and economic and social development. The Commission's DRC country strategy paper for the period 2008-13 currently amounts to €584 million under the tenth European Development Fund. Within this framework, the Commission's objective is to support the reconstruction of the DRC while pursuing stabilisation efforts in some regions of the country.

At a bilateral level, we avail of every opportunity to make our views known directly to DRC representatives. Earlier this week, for example, the DRC Minister for the Environment was in Dublin for talks with the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government. Officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade were involved in that visit and had the opportunity to discuss issues of mutual interest with the DRC officials, including the political, security and humanitarian situation in the country.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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Deputy Eric Byrne asked a question about Cuba. Does the Tánaiste have any plans to visit Cuba during the Irish Presidency?

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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The Presidency will be hugely challenging. Since the Lisbon arrangements, the European Council is chaired by President Van Rompuy and the Foreign Affairs Council is chaired by High Representative Catherine Ashton. I have spoken to her about how we are going to share the burden during the six months and on the agenda is the issue of EU dialogue with Cuba. I expect to be involved with that but where it will take place has not been settled.

Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent)
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On Cuba, it might be an idea to work with our American friends to remind them the Cold War is over and that the USA might consider removing the embargo on goods going into Cuba. I had the pleasure of visiting Cuba last Easter and it was sad to listen to people there speak about the shortage of medical supplies, when Cuba has been to the fore in training medical personnel and sending doctors and nurses to places like Haiti. It also trains young people from developing countries. The issue of the Cuba Five should also be resolved, it has gone on for far too long.

I share the concerns about Gaza and Syria so I will not go back over them. The Tánaiste mentioned the EU common security and defence policy so the EU can effectively respond to crisis situations. I hope the Tánaiste is talking about a humanitarian response and not a military response.

On defence, many countries in Africa have very poorly trained armies and their capacity for dealing with situations is minimal. Part of that is because they are paid so little, if at all. When we look at the reputation enjoyed by the Defence Forces in peacekeeping, could there be more engagement by Irish personnel in training and building the capacity of some of the African armies?

The Joint Committee on European Union Affairs will be looking at Bosnia on Tuesday and while it is not a priority during the Irish Presidency of the EU, Bosnia Herzegovina is falling way behind when we look at the other countries in the area. It is welcome that Croatia will join the EU on 1 January but that will have implications for Bosnian farmers because of the lack of access to markets.

I am totally committed to our development aid budget. There will probably be cuts to that budget, although I hope they are minimal. Our aid gives us a massive input in human rights issues but to continue the conversation we had during Question Time last week on tax evasion and avoidance, we have a role to play here as well.

The EU accounting and transparency directives for extractive industries must be a development priority for the Irish Government and must be binding. There is an onus of the home Governments of the extractive companies to ensure those companies in developing countries are not acting in an unethical or immoral way. There is a dire need for access to information on companies working in developing countries. Will we support country by country and project by project reporting?

Jim Walsh (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the Tánaiste's approach on Syria and I urge him to continue with caution. We could end up replacing one totalitarian regime with another.

I have concerns about Bosnia. When Croatia accedes to the European Union, a significant trading partner of Bosnia will be affected. There will be almost ruinous effects on farming and a huge loss of income to Bosnia. The country needs a lot of support economically and politically. Are there any initiatives at EU Council level to meet any void that will be created as a result of Croatian accession?

Boko Haram, which I have raised before, in Nigeria is a sectarian organisation that targets innocent civilians. Is that on the EU agenda and, if not, could it be put on the agenda?

I compliment the Tánaiste's efforts on the Human Rights Council and Ireland's election to it. That is positive for the country. Will the Tánaiste consider using our position on that, and I welcome the Tánaiste's remarks on the DRC and violence against women, to campaign to outlaw and eradicate gendercide in a number of countries? It is happening in China, which now has a demographic problem as a result, and it is rampant in India and other places. I cannot think of anything that devalues the status and importance of women more than gendercide.

My final question is nearer to home. We all saw and regretted what happened in the North of Ireland. Enormous efforts were made to put the peace process in place so I am concerned about the situation with Marian Price. I have raised this with the Secretary of State at the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body. There is also the issue of Gerry McGeough and the prisoners in Maghaberry being on dirty protest. I am concerned this could fester and lead to more people being attracted to the sort of campaigns we saw in the last 30 years. I urge the Tánaiste to play whatever role we can in getting the British to deal with those issues. I understand Gerry McGeough will be released in January but should anything happen to Marian Price, who is very ill, while she is in captivity, it will be used emotively to attract people into activities we should be trying to avoid.

We should seek to avoid opening up any such avenues.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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That concludes questions.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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Senator Walsh referred to the position regarding Syria. I have outlined the approach we are taking with regard to the recognition of the coalition in Syria. Our view, which is shared by other member states, is that we do not want to rush into recognition and we should monitor how the position evolves and who exactly is involved. That the opposition groups have come together is a good development and one which we have sought. Formal recognition is another matter entirely, however.

I propose to comment on the issues raised by a number of contributors about the European Union's future relationship with Cuba. The Foreign Affairs Council has discussed the structure of the EU's future relationship with Cuba. The Council has agreed that the High Representative should begin the process of elaborating negotiating directives for a bilateral agreement with Cuba within the framework of the European Union's Common Position. As I noted in my discussions with the High Representative, I expect to take a direct role in this matter during the Irish Presidency. Ireland supports a policy of closer engagement with Cuba, while stressing the importance of Cuba's adherence to human rights and other international criteria.

The European Union has clearly expressed the opposition of its member states to all unilateral measures against Cuba which are contrary to commonly accepted rules of international trade. In common with our partners in the European Union, Ireland is of the view that the United States economic embargo on Cuba seriously hampers the economic development of the country and negatively affects its people. Accordingly, Ireland and other EU member states support an annual draft resolution at the United Nations General Assembly on the necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States of America against Cuba. This resolution, which was adopted most recently on 13 November 2012, is introduced by Cuba and rejects the extraterritorial effects of the US embargo. Ireland and our EU partners are not persuaded that the continued embargo on Cuba is contributing in a positive manner to the democratic transition on the island. Our position on the issue is clear.

With regard to Bosnia-Herzegovina, an issue raised by Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan and Senator Jim Walsh, Bosnia-Herzegovina receives the most negative assessment of the Balkan countries in the reports presented on enlargement. The European Commission has stated that limited progress has been made towards meeting the political criteria. Municipal elections which took place on 7 October meant a couple of months were lost in campaigning. The stabilisation and association agreement has yet to be ratified, pending compliance with the Sejdić and Finci judgment of the European Court of Human Rights. The roadmap, which was agreed between Bosnian leaders in June when the Commission hosted a high level dialogue, is slipping. In particular, a commitment to present the Parliament with a proposal to amend the constitution to make it compliant with the ECHR ruling by 31 August was not fulfilled.

While Ireland is supportive of Bosnia-Herzegovina's EU perspective, the country's Government and political leaders must make real and sustained progress to realise this objective. The lack of progress on reforms in Bosnia-Herzegovina is a significant concern. I hope the second meeting of the high level dialogue, which is due to take place in Sarajevo on 22 November, will encourage further movement on reforms. We will encourage Bosnian leaders to continue their efforts to find a solution. However, it is a matter for them to find an agreement as we cannot impose one on them.

I will examine the suggestion Senator Jim Walsh has made in respect of gendercide. With regard to Marian Price and the issue of prisoners in Maghaberry Prison, I have discussed this matter with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland on a number of occasions and it is very much on our common agenda.

Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent)
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I referred to extractive industries.

Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour)
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I will revert to the Deputy directly on that issue. Given that the Minister of State, Deputy Joe Costello, has taken a particular interest in the matter, I will seek to obtain a separate reply for the Deputy.

Pat Breen (Clare, Fine Gael)
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I thank the Tánaiste for taking time to update the joint committee on the current position following the Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Brussels. I hope the ceasefire which will come into place in Israel and Gaza at 7 p.m. will hold and we will have a peaceful Christmas in the region. The joint committee will address the issue again at future meetings.

While the Tánaiste's time is precious, I ask that he come before us again before Christmas to outline his priorities for the Irish Presidency during the first six months of 2013. This is an issue of major importance to the joint committee. I also thank his officials for appearing before us.