Dr. Katy Hayward:

I wish to follow on that point specifically. The EU support for Ireland is very much in the context of the Brexit negotiations, and of course the near-certainty that Ireland will be voting on the future UK-EU trade deal. Ireland may well have a veto on that, so it will continue to be of interest. After that though, we need to consider that Ireland's position will be very different. The EU itself will be different, no doubt, and it is important that Ireland considers most particularly what it wants to protect regarding the Border, the Good Friday Agreement and Northern Ireland. I want to pick up on Senator Black's question about EU programmes, because it touches on a bigger question regarding what needs to be a priority as Brexit unfolds. Of course, all the parties in Northern Ireland want to continue to benefit from EU programmes and funding. It has already been stated in the draft protocol that peace funding will continue. There is also the potential for INTERREG funding, which is very unusual. In fact it is unknown for INTERREG funding to go to non-member states in this way.

In regard to the Good Friday Agreement, we need to be clear about what we would like to continue. What would Northern Ireland benefit by continuing to have access to, maybe in a way that the rest of the UK does not? On that point, what about the British-Irish Council, the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and the North-South Ministerial Council? What kind of arrangements need to be protected and preserved, and what in these institutions could be enhanced to be able to manage the effects of Brexit? What about the potential for the North/South Consultative Forum now, given that there are most likely to be bespoke arrangements for to Northern Ireland? They will have a particular importance if the UK is outside of the EU and Northern Ireland has to manage alignment with the rest of Ireland and the EU. These will raise critical governance challenges, and the institutions established by the Good Friday Agreement could play a vital part.

The threshold question is a fascinating one. As we have seen from the Brexit referendum, a majority vote does not guarantee a stable, peaceful outcome. It does not resolve a question or an issue in and of itself. Thinking longer term, what would be the outcome that would be most conducive to peace and stability in the counties of Northern Ireland, and indeed on the island of Ireland? It is not the case that a majority vote will resolve everything. There are bigger questions for Ireland itself with regard to political representation and recognition of the diversity of identities in Northern Ireland. Although it is perfectly understandable that the question of the Border has come to the fore, subsuming all these other complexities, nuances and identities into that one particular issue is not actually addressing the real challenges that face people in Northern Ireland, in the Irish Border region or on the island of Ireland with regard to Brexit. I understand why it is back on the table, but the concentration on a majority vote will actually create other issues that need to be addressed in the longer term.

The issue of legacy points to the fact that there is so much that has not yet been resolved, even after 20 years. We need to handle it very cautiously.