Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)

I sincerely thank the proposer and seconder for tabling this motion and Senators for engaging constructively with the amendments. I join in the welcome to our dear friend the Ukrainian ambassador, Larysa, and our friends from Tiglin in Greystones and beyond in the Gallery. They are welcome, not just Leinster House, the people's house, but also to Ireland for however long they need to be here.

It is over three years since Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine brought large-scale conflict back to the Continent of Europe. As has been noted, this was not the creation of a new war. It was merely the latest invasion of Ukrainian territory by Russia in modern times. We have to be absolutely unequivocal that the blame for this conflict lies with Russia. The decision to invade Ukraine came from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. Let us not lose ourselves in conspiracy theories, whataboutery or bringing up concerns about other powers. The issue here lies with Russia. There can be no whataboutery. Since those days over three years ago, indescribable suffering has been inflicted upon the people of Ukraine. Millions have been forced to flee their homeland and millions more have been internally displaced. Hundreds of thousands have been killed, with thousands more, including children, forcibly removed, tortured or arbitrarily imprisoned by Russian forces.

We are at a critical moment in the trajectory of Russia's war in Ukraine. Russia is escalating its aerial bombardment on Ukrainian cities and civilian infrastructure while its forces continue their offensive along the front line unabated, seeking additional territorial gains. Civilians continue to bear the brunt of Russia's brutal war of aggression. Russia's full-scale invasion triggered the largest displacement crisis in Europe in decades, with millions displaced and in need of continued, lifesaving support. We have heard horrific reports of gross and systematic violations of human rights by Russia. We consistently see reports of the very means of life, namely food and energy supplies, being targeted by Russian forces. One of Russia's most brutal and egregious crimes has been the large-scale forcible kidnapping of Ukrainian children from their homes. Any peaceful resolution to Russia's war must involve the return of all forcibly transferred persons, particularly children. Such actions may amount to war crimes. We must work to hold those responsible to account.

At the same time, Russia's increasingly provocative and reckless behaviour against EU member states is justifiably raising concerns and tensions across Europe. In recent weeks, Russian drones have breached the airspace of fellow EU member states, and fighter planes have violated the skies over Estonia. The Government has strongly condemned these activities. We have seen disruption to critical infrastructure, airports and logistics hubs paralysed by cyberattacks and elections targeted by malign influence campaigns.

In the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all EU member states, including Ireland, have re-examined their foreign, security and defence policies. It is perhaps easy to look eastward and believe that the fires of war burning in Ukraine will never reach our shores, that distance is somehow a protection, but it is an illusion to believe that we are immune from this pattern of growing threats. Our commitment to a values-based foreign policy, to multilateralism and to a policy, clearly, of military neutrality does not insulate us from the impacts of a rapidly changing and volatile international security environment that has become the new reality across Europe. Distance does not protect us from the campaign of hybrid activity that Russia has unleashed against European countries, which has increased in scale and recklessness in the past year. It is our duty and our obligation to take our security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever. That obligation and duty in no way contravenes our clear policy of military neutrality. It is merely common sense.

Through its sustained pursuit of hybrid campaigns, Russia is a major threat to stability, democracy and social cohesion throughout Europe and beyond. These activities represent an attempt to divide EU member states, particularly in relation to support for Ukraine. The proposer and seconder of these motions, Senators O'Loughlin and Daly, are, like me, sanctioned by the Russian war machine and Vladimir Putin. I had not intended to visit Moscow any time soon. I certainly do not intend to do so now. I wear that sanction as a badge of pride, as I know my senatorial colleagues do too. The Government takes the risks posed by these activities very seriously, and we are responding. We support the full use of all means available to prevent, deter and respond to Russia's aggressive hybrid activities, including through sanctions.

Domestically, the Government is implementing a range of relevant measures at national level to strengthen our resilience and combat hybrid threats from state and non-state actors, including Russia, its proxies and aligned actors. Such measures include a substantial increase in investment in the National Cyber Security Centre, the publication of a national counter disinformation strategy and legislation to enhance election security through the Electoral Commission, the commencement of legislation on third-country investment screening and the control of exports. The Department of Defence will publish Ireland's first national maritime security strategy by the end of the year. We are also building up Ireland's national capability to identify, mitigate and counter hybrid threats through our membership of the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats in Helsinki.

The European Union has been steadfast in its solidarity with Ukraine since the first day of this terrible war. The message is clear: Russia has to understand that Ukraine's partners, including its European partners, have the will and the means to continue supporting it until a just and lasting peace is achieved. Ireland will be part of a coalition of the willing. We will ensure, Senator Stephenson, that our participation is fully aligned with our policy of military neutrality, but at this time we have to show that we are willing to stand not just by the people of Ukraine in our words but also in our actions. The EU's continuing commitment to Ukraine will also be a key focus when European leaders meet again formally on 23 and 24 October. This will be an important moment for the EU to reiterate its commitment to stay the course in support of Ukraine and to maintain pressure on Russia to halt its war of aggression and engage in real negotiations.

Measures in this regard include the adoption of unprecedented sanctions. The latter include a broad range of sectoral sanctions, including measures targeting Russia's military, technology, transport and energy sectors. These sanctions are having an impact by limiting access to battlefield goods and reducing Russia's access. It is with pride that Ireland's David O'Sullivan is the main European official who monitors the effectiveness of these sanctions. Ireland welcomes proposals for a 19th package of sanctions, and we will work with our European partners to ensure that these can be agreed quickly. We also firmly believe that Russia should be held accountable for its actions and should have to pay for the destruction it has caused. We are therefore supportive of exploring options for the further use of Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine.

Ireland has been steadfast in its support for Ukraine since day one of this war. The impact of this war is felt by every household across the country, materially as well as emotionally. Members of this House have visited Ukraine to not just convey our solidarity but also to bear witness to the brutal consequences of Russia's full-scale invasion at first hand. In September of last year, then Taoiseach, Simon Harris, travelled to Kyiv for a meeting with President Zelenskyy and to sign a comprehensive bilateral agreement on support and co-operation between Ireland and Ukraine. In May, I visited Lviv to attend an informal European Council meeting and endorse the draft legal framework for a special tribunal.

We talk a lot, rightly and genuinely, about solidarity in this Chamber, but what does solidarity mean and how do you count it? Since February 2022, Ireland has committed €138 million in stabilisation and humanitarian supports. In addition to this, a further funding package of €33.5 million, announced last month, is currently in the process of being disbursed. Ireland has also welcomed more than 118,000 Ukrainians who were forced to leave their homeland and who sought sanctuary here.Many of them have remained. They have integrated well into Irish society, and they have also brought the joys of their own culture to our community. I have no doubt that, in time, they will play a crucial role in rebuilding their own country when it is once again safe to do so. For now, though, they are here, and they are consistently welcomed here and that will not change.

As I have outlined in great detail, Ireland is militarily neutral, but we have never been politically neutral, and certainly not in the face of Russia’s unprovoked aggression against a sovereign state. Ireland recognises that its continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. We are playing our part by providing non-lethal military support to Ukraine. Through the Department of Defence, we continue to provide direct military support-in-kind. In June, five air defence radar systems and a fire tender were delivered to Ukraine. A further donation of 34 vehicles, including ambulances were delivered in two convoys in early September. Three Reacher bomb disposal robots were delivered to the Ukraine defence contact group, UDCG, de-mining coalition in mid-September. Over the coming weeks, the Defence Forces will deliver a further training module of basic training to Ukrainian armed forces personnel via the European Union military assistance mission, EUMAM, Ukraine. This will take to 22 the total number of modules delivered by Irish personnel.

Through the framework of the European Defence Agency’s EU SatCom market project, we provided support to Ukraine in respect to provision of satellite communications equipment at a value of €1.36 million. Ireland has contributed approximately €66 million to the European Peace Facility, EPF, for non-lethal military support to Ukraine. At EU level, the release of the majority of remaining committed funding under the EPF is currently blocked. The Tánaiste therefore sought agreement to provide €100 million, outside of the EPF, in non-lethal military support to Ukraine in March. The Tánaiste is firmly committed to continuing this strong support for Ukraine and I expect that a further substantial package of non-lethal support will be announced shortly. In July, €10 million was provided to each of the Ukraine defence contact group coalitions on de-mining and IT support, led by Lithuania and Iceland and by Estonia and Luxembourg, respectively. The remaining €80 million is being disbursed to EU member states with whom Ireland has agreed procurement partnerships, primarily for the procurement of non-lethal elements of air defence. We continue also to be open to considering contributions to any EU packages containing non-lethal elements of military support.

Senator Ahearn raised the issue of reconstruction. I was delighted to attend a reconstruction conference in Rome this year on behalf of the Government. He raised the issue of an envoy in relation to trade. I can confirm that Enterprise Ireland has appointed a Ukrainian pathfinder to help Irish companies engage more with the Ukrainian market, particularly SMEs, given the already existing role of companies such as CRH and Kingspan.

Senator Stephenson rightly raised the issue of not just supporting civic society but also journalists currently and in the future in Ukraine. Ireland has made that commitment and is already in the process of working with a range of different organisations as well as individuals.

Ireland’s commitment to international law is steadfast, as is our commitment to the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity outlined in the UN Charter. Russia’s actions have undermined the foundations of the international rules-based system on which the United Nations is based. The principle that borders cannot be changed by force protects us all, yet a permanent member of the UN Security Council has cast this vital principle aside. This should concern us all. Universal principles, including the right to territorial integrity, must apply to each nation equally and in full. Any credible future for multilateralism depends on this. Ireland supports the continued investigations of the International Criminal Court in Ukraine and welcomes the historic progress made towards establishing the special tribunal for the crime of aggression. At the Council of Europe, Ireland has been a founding member of the register of damage. We welcome the finalisation of a draft convention establishing an international claims commission. These are all important steps towards redressing internationally wrongful acts committed by the Russian Federation in or against Ukraine.

We all want Russia’s war of aggression to end, but it must end on the basis of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one that respects Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the principles of the UN Charter and international law. It is also vital that Ukraine’s security be protected in the long term. That means strong, credible guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity to avoid a repetition of the past. Ireland’s position remains clear. It is for Russia to now show through its actions a willingness to achieve peace by halting its brutal attacks and agreeing to a full and unconditional ceasefire. It can do so at any time. Ukraine and President Zelenskyy have clearly done their part.

Ireland believes that, ultimately, the greatest security guarantee that we can offer to Ukraine is membership of the European Union, the greatest peace project that the world has known. We strongly support Ukraine’s path towards EU membership and are determined to advance it under our EU Presidency, which begins next year.

While the current challenges may seem unsurmountable, we must not falter in our resolve. Our continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. It is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now and however long it takes.