Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Is mór an onóir dom a bheith arís ar ais libh agus an deis seo a fháil chun cúrsaí a bhaineann le Tuaisceart na hÉireann a phlé. Is mór an onóir freisin a bheith in éineacht libh agus ceist an-tábhachtach dúinn ar fad a phlé, is é sin an staid pholaitiúil i dTuaisceart Éireann faoi láthair.

I and my Government colleagues appreciate the consistent and thoughtful engagement from this House on matters related to Northern Ireland, including last month's Commencement matter on the UK's legacy Act, proposed by Senator Blaney. The Seanad, and indeed the Oireachtas as a whole, has been united in its opposition to this legislation, regardless of party background. Along with many in this Chamber, I believe that this Act actively undermines the process of reconciliation in Northern Ireland. The next steps in the Government's response to this Act remain under active consideration. I greatly regret that things have come to this pass. This situation is, unfortunately, a direct result of a lack of genuine engagement with us by the British Government on this issue. Neither has it listened to the international human rights community, to its own Parliament's human rights committee and, most importantly, to those most impacted by the legislation: victims and their families.

No one in this Government wishes relationships between our two countries to be defined by division and disagreement. There have been significant improvements in bilateral relations from the low point that was sadly reached as a result of the political dynamics created by Brexit, and that is very welcome, but there is work yet to do to fully restore the trust, mutual understanding and the reflex for mutually beneficial co-operation that were defining factors in previous times. Nowhere is this more important than in how our two Governments approach the process of peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. In short, a Leas-Chathaoirligh, we need to see a return to the partnership approachand theesprit de corpsthat has underpinned the Good Friday Agreement and the process itself when it has worked best.

At the moment, politics in Northern Ireland is not working or, more accurately, it is not being allowed to work. It has been 18 months since the people of Northern Ireland voted for their representatives to take up their responsibilities for a new term in the Assembly and Executive; 18 months in which this fundamental democratic right of the people of Northern Ireland has been frustrated; 18 months where the absence of Northern Ireland's political institutions has prevented the North-South bodies from operating as intended under the Good Friday Agreement - prevented from delivering as they can and should do for all of our people.

I spoke with Northern Ireland's party leaders earlier today. I have also heard from civil society organisations, and from people young and old, across Northern Ireland. The strongest message coming through is one of deep frustration at the current impasse. All of us in this Chamber are aware of the reasons given by the DUP for not restoring the institutions. I have listened to the DUP to better understand its concerns. All communities have been affected by the outworking of Brexit and all must deal with a new reality and new requirements that fall far short of the arrangements that were possible while the United Kingdom was part of the European Union. I believe that the DUP's concerns were heard, resulting in the ambitious agreement reached between the EU and the UK in the Windsor Framework. In my view, unionism should have claimed victory in respect of many of the issues that were resolved in the context of the Windsor Framework, some of them issues people were told could not be resolved. Other political parties were happy to see better arrangements for the seamless conduct of trading arrangements. In all my discussions with people in Northern Ireland, no one said to me that there should not be continued access to the European Union's Single Market, which is a significant point in itself.

For the past several months, the British Government has been in direct contact with the DUP on further specific concerns. My Government has exercised strategic patience in this period. We have and always will be constructive in how we engage with all parties. We have tried to help build space for the DUP to reconsider its blockage of the institutions. Northern Ireland's other parties have exercised similar patience but patience is not infinite. The delivery of services in vital areas is under enormous pressure in Northern Ireland, but there is no local leadership in place to manage this. Opportunities to make the most of the North's unique dual access to the British internal market and the EU's Single Market cannot be fully grasped without an Executive in place, and the stability that this unlocks.

This week, the United States Special Envoy for Northern Ireland, Joe Kennedy III, is in Northern Ireland with a significant commercial and trade delegation. The message from business to Northern Ireland's leaders is clear: deliver stability and we will deliver investment. It is unfortunate to say the least that such a high-powered trade delegation, led by Joe Kennedy, is not meeting with an executive and an assembly. That adds nothing to Northern Ireland or its prospects.

When we strip away the layers of complexity and rhetoric surrounding the current political crisis in Northern Ireland, a simple truth remains: people are much worse off without an executive and an assembly in place. Northern Ireland will do better and will deliver more for its people when local leadership is in place, using their knowledge, passion and commitment to make the decisions that need to be made. I was heartened that in his recent party conference speech, Jeffrey Donaldson strongly made the case for devolved government in Northern Ireland. It is past time for this to be put into action. Let us get back to what we know works. That means getting the institutions back up and running, Northern Ireland's parties, representing all of the political traditions, aligned and non-aligned, working together in committees, in ministerial meetings, on the floor of Stormont and in the North-South Ministerial Council to advance policy and make decisions to improve people's daily lives.The absence of strand one has created significant challenges for strand two and the North-South bodies in terms of their programmes, confirmation of staffing appointments and so forth. This means that partnership between the two Governments is essential with a united approach based on a shared understanding of our responsibilities as guarantors of the agreement.

There are certain realities which are inarguable. There is the reality of geography, which means that our relationship with our closest neighbours will always be one of our most important, underpinned by historic cultural, economic and people-to-people ties. This is a relationship in which it is in all of our interest to invest. There are also the fundamental principles that underpin the Good Friday Agreement and the entire process of peace and reconciliation. Among these are the commitment to resolve our differences exclusively through democratic and peaceful means. Violence has cast a long shadow over the history of these islands; we will never return to those dark days.

The principle of consent has a very specific and well-defined meaning in the framework of the Good Friday Agreement. Northern Ireland will remain a part of the United Kingdom until such time as the people of this island, through a democratic expression of will, choose otherwise. We changed our Constitution by referendum to reflect this principle. All are free to argue for the future they would like to see, something that I, as a republican from a proud democratic tradition, take very seriously.

There is the principle of parity of esteem. In the British-Irish Agreement, the legally binding treaty underpinning the Good Friday Agreement, the two Governments affirmed this principle and the importance of "just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of both communities". Regardless of the political make-up or constitutional preference of the Government of the day in Ireland or in the United Kingdom, we have a solemn duty to uphold this principle without prejudice. We must respect and be seen to respect the principle of parity of esteem.

We will also be guided by the principle of fundamental human rights standards. Incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights into the law in Northern Ireland was an explicit requirement of the Good Friday Agreement. We must continue to be guided by these standards, including in relation to the legacy of the past, as mentioned earlier.

These principles and the finely-wrought balance they represent are the threads that hold the Good Friday Agreement together. Upholding these principles is not about taking some imprecise moral high ground. It is about fairness, inclusion and better futures in a society that has been deeply marked by division and violence. While we have a binding and solemn responsibility to uphold them this should not be our only motivation. We return to these principles again and again because they are still needed. We must hold to these principles because they are utterly necessary to the unfinished and vital work of reconciliation.

Taking forward the work of reconciliation remains a priority for this Government. I was delighted that the recent budget saw a 40% increase in my Department’s funding for reconciliation work. Next year, the reconciliation fund will be more than €7 million for the first time. A more reconciled island will work better, co-operate better, and deliver more for all our citizens. This is the same ethos at the heart of the shared island initiative. I believe that there is so much potential to be unlocked when we work together.

A necessary condition for reconciliation is to understand, respect and create space for the different identities and traditions on this island. Earlier today, I took part in a shared island dialogue on the topic of identity. Throughout the day we heard from individuals who reflected the diverse heritage of this island. I particularly want to recognise those who challenged themselves by taking part in the discussion. It is vital that their voices are heard as we consider how to find better ways to work together, regardless of constitutional outlook. I look forward to more conversations like the ones we had today.

I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss these issues with the House today, together with my colleague the Minister of State, Deputy Fleming. I hope we will have more time to elaborate on these issues in other debates. The engagement of Senators and the large measure of agreement across all parties in both Houses strengthen my hand when I discuss these issues with the UK authorities and with international partners. We look forward to hearing the views of Senators and sharing their insights on the current challenges and opportunities facing the Good Friday Agreement and facing the process of peace and reconciliation on this island. Go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.