Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Cuirim fáilte roimh an deis seo chun rún faoi Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta a phlé, chun machnamh a dhéanamh ar an méid a dhein ceannairí ag an am sin chun conradh a chur i bhfeidhm, agus chun machnamh a dhéanamh ar ról Rialtas na Breataine agus Rialtas na tíre seo agus ar tábhacht na comhpháirtíochta idir an dá Rialtas. Sin bunchloch an chonartha agus na comhpháirtíochta. Níl aon amhras orm ach go bhfuil an saghas comhpháirtíochta sin ríthábhachtach ó thaobh todhchaí an Tuaiscirt chomh maith.

I welcome the opportunity to join Members in Seanad Éireann today in endorsing this motion. I thank Senator McGreehan for proposing it and I thank all Senators for allowing this Chamber the opportunity to reflect on 25 years of peace and what more needs to be done if the opportunities of that peace are to be consolidated.

A quarter of a century has passed since the people of this island voted for peace in parallel referendums on the Good Friday Agreement – the first time since 1918 that all people on this island voted together. We had a fascinating presentation last Thursday night in Banbridge from the son of the election returning officer, Mr. Bradley, on the lead-up to the poll and the politics around it, which I had not quite heard before. There is a book published on it that is worth a read. That endorsement of the Good Friday Agreement by the people was a remarkable achievement and it has been transformative for the people of our island. A generation born in the years since 1998 has lived free from the shadow of uncertainty and violence in which their parents and grandparents lived. I think it was Senator Wilson who made the point about that generation since then and praised Senator Currie for her contribution at recent meetings on that. That is certainly a fair point and the Secretary of State makes the same point in respect of young people in the UK. There is a need to make younger people and particularly younger generations aware of the magnitude of what was achieved and the impact it has had.

It is only right we celebrate the anniversary of the agreement and its democratic endorsement. In doing so, we must not forget the terrible cost that almost 30 years of violence wrought upon families across these islands. As President Biden recalled in his remarks to young students in Ulster University in Belfast, "Every person killed in the Troubles left an empty chair at that dining room table and a hole in the heart that was never filled for the ones they lost.” Senator Wilson outlined in stark terms statistically shocking numbers. I was struck by the number of young people under the age of 25 who were killed, maimed and injured.

The agreement addressed core constitutional issues. The British and Irish Governments each committed in the agreement to "recognise the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its status, whether they prefer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland”. In resolving the delicate constitutional balance of Northern Ireland, we changed our own Constitution. When the people of this island, North and South, voted in favour of the Good Friday Agreement, they not only rejected violence, they voted for the establishment of new institutions that are intertwined and interdependent. These are strand 1, the assembly and the Executive in Northern Ireland; strand 2, the North South Ministerial Council, NSMC, and bodies; and strand 3, the institutions reflecting the British-Irish relationship. In short, the people voted for politics that worked and would deliver for them in their everyday lives.

It is a matter of particular regret that we mark the 25th anniversary of the agreement at a time when the assembly and Executive that it brought into being have not been functioning for more than a year. Today, Northern Ireland is not governed by its elected representatives. This flies in the face of what people voted for in 1998. I take on board what Senator O'Sullivan said in respect of the stop-start nature of strand 1 within the overall lifetime of the 25 years since the agreement. The Executive and assembly have been down nearly as much as they have been up. That is a failure of many political parties at the time, and different political parties at different times saw fit to have the assembly not meeting. That is not acceptable in respect of the will of the people. The people of Northern Ireland are entitled to a functioning assembly and Executive. I encourage all MLAs to take their seats as soon as possible to ensure the critical everyday issues facing Northern Ireland can be addressed by those elected to do so.

Even before the Executive was brought down last year, the NSMC had been prevented from functioning. We are a small island. North-South co-operation in practical areas like health, education and tourism is essential. The NSMC cannot be treated as low-hanging fruit for those who wish to prevent the operation of the institutions for political reasons. It must be allowed to function alongside all institutions of the agreement.

I reflect on the weight of responsibility upon those who negotiated the agreement and how they struggled with challenges but overcame them for the good of the people. It is because of their courage and their sacrifices that we all live in a peaceful society today. As Senator George Mitchell said in his powerful address in Queen’s University in Belfast last month, "it would take other leaders in the future to safeguard and extend their work ... Life is change: For every human being, for every family, for every government, for every society."

I hope all those who have the privilege of being elected to represent their constituents will build on the leadership and dedication shown by their predecessors. This House heard from former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern last week when he set out in some detail how the agreement came about. Success was not a foregone conclusion but reaching an agreement was an imperative. As he recalled, the atmosphere was, at times, “tense, suspicions were high and progress, if any, was painfully slow”. At different times and in different ways, all the women and men at the table had to make compromises and accept what would previously have been unacceptable to them. Bringing reluctant members of their own negotiating teams along was one challenge, but greater was to come – persuading those of their own community or tradition that the agreement, taken as a whole, was a decisive step in the right direction. We owe a great debt of gratitude to the brave men and women who took those risks to achieve a deal.Sadly, many of those who provided leadership and made difficult compromises are no longer with us, but we continue to be inspired by their actions and words. I think of people such as Albert Reynolds, John Hume, Seamus Mallon, David Trimble, David Irvine, Martin McGuinness and Mo Mowlam. Their collective determination and courage, their humility and humanity, helped achieve what many believed was not possible in those dark days. Behind each of them stood families who worried about them, but offered strength, encouragement and support, who gave them the strength and determination to move the process forward, despite the risks, struggles and criticisms from both communities. The occasion of the unveiling of the statue to David Trimble was a particularly noble endeavour of both Houses of the Oireachtas. I recall that in Cabinet at the time, when people were impatient with the unionist leader with regard to his coming forward, the then Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern, reminded us all of Mr. Trimble's predecessors within unionism who had compromised, and who paid a price in compromising. It struck me at the time how prescient that was. In the time to come, it proved to be the case. That courage has to be acknowledged.

At times, when the challenges seemed to be insurmountable, support from our international partners injected much-needed focus and strength into the process. The internationalisation of the issue was a great added dimension which John Hume brought to this entire question, both at the European Parliament, in particular, and on Capitol Hill in Washington DC. We are thankful for the unwavering support of countless US Administrations, which actually began as far back as President Jimmy Carter, who made the first major intervention of an American President in Northern Ireland. In more recent times, President Joe Biden has been a steadfast supporter and of course there was President Bill Clinton and Senator George Mitchell.

With assistance from the European Union, South Africa, Finland and Canada, international experts became a part of moving peace forward to enable hope for future generations. Individuals such as General John de Chastelain and Brigadier General Tauno Nieminen worked quietly and tirelessly to achieve decommissioning of weapons. It is also essential that we recognise that the agreement and the peace process as a whole were built, and continue to succeed, thanks to leadership at community level. The focus on political leaders, which is appropriate, can sometimes overshadow those working day in and day out on the ground. They created safe space for politicians to connect. They helped generate the ideas to change how we looked at supposedly unsolvable problems, and they built momentum for peace. Today, it is through their leadership and courage that communities can forge new relationships of trust across traditional boundaries.

Through our reconciliation fund, we have been proud to support many of the organisations working in communities from the early 1980s until today. The achievement of peace owes much to them working quietly in the background, playing a pivotal role in creating a better future. As we mark the anniversary of the agreement, the Government is acutely aware of the work that remains to be completed. As we look to the future, it is essential that we do not lose sight of the senseless cruelty and destruction of the past, which continue to cast a long and often intergenerational shadow.

The agreement brought about an end to three decades of violence in Northern Ireland. By April 1998, more than 3,500 men, women and children had been killed and many thousands of others were injured and traumatised by the needless violence. We got some of the figures earlier, as I said, from Senator Wilson. Those years saw gunmen and bombers claiming to act on behalf of communities, but without any mandate from those communities. The real inspirational bravery was shown by those who, acting with purpose and without violence or its threat, sought to forge a better way forward. I pay tribute to Senator Currie's late father in that respect.

As a Government, we are acutely aware that the legacy of violence is still very raw for many people. This issue needs to be addressed in order to allow true reconciliation on this island. As I have stated previously, Northern Ireland works best when the two Governments, British and Irish, are working in partnership with the political parties. It is a matter of deep disappointment to me personally and to our Government that this British Government has chosen to take unilateral action with the introduction of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill. We firmly believe that this Bill is fundamentally the wrong way to go. It is not fit for purpose. The Taoiseach and I have reiterated to our British counterparts our opposition to the Bill. In my recent engagement with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, I urged him to pause the Bill and to return to a partnership approach in the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

Two weeks ago, I spoke at a memorial event for those who were killed and injured in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. I sat on Talbot Street and spoke to sons, daughters, sisters and brothers of those lost that day. I met Maeve Taylor, now 95 years old, who with her three daughters survived the bombing. I have met with and listened to many families who were bereaved during the Troubles. Hearing their stories of loss and understanding their need for answers makes me all the more convinced that they deserve a path to truth and justice for their loved ones. The trauma is transgenerational. We will continue to engage with the UK Government on this issue at every available opportunity and we have indicated that we are not ruling out an interstate case if the legislation is passed.

Senator McGreehan raised the issue of the disappeared. I have met with many victims' groups. I also genuinely think that there is an obligation on other parties, other than government and the British Government in particular, to deal with the issue of legacy. Sinn Féin has a role in dealing with the issue of legacy. Loyalist paramilitary organisations, including the Ulster Volunteer Force, UVF, and the Ulster Defence Association, UDA, all have a role to play. I was interested in Senator Martin's presentation with respect to a case, which I had heard of. It is one of the few I have heard where there has been that sort of reaching out. As Senator McGreehan mentioned, I met with the McVeigh family and Oliver McVeigh recently, and he cannot get meetings with people to discuss the disappearance of his brother. People in leadership in Sinn Féin have not met with him. He told me this. I met with people who were victims of loyalist paramilitaries and they cannot get any sense of what has transpired. That is where the legacy Bill is wrong. I think it is far too easy for some to just say that closure is just for those killed by British state forces. I do not think that is enough in itself. There is a real issue there which has not been dealt with or grasped. If the legacy Bill passes, there will be no obligation on those organisations to come forward in any shape or form and help victims. I have met with victims of the Provisional IRA, the UVF and the UDA and they are getting nothing at the moment. They have no access to the truth. That is something I ask people to reflect on. It is interesting that in many of the groups I meet, it is the nephews, grandnephews and grandnieces who are coming forward to present on these issues.

As we look back and realise how much this island has changed, how the relationship between these islands has changed and what has been achieved, we also need to think about the next 25 years. Senator McGreehan made that point for all Senators, as did Senator Ó Donnghaile. We will have challenges. This is a peace process. The journey is ongoing. Nobody has ever said it would be an easy journey. However, when we look at how far we have come, we know what can be achieved into the future. We must show the same spirit of courage, determination and creativity which was demonstrated by those leaders who brought the agreement to fruition.

As the Irish Government, my colleagues and I are absolutely determined to play our part to help build relationships on this island and to support partnership and friendship across these islands. Through the shared island initiative, which I established upon my election as Taoiseach, we are investing in projects and infrastructure that improve communities and brings them closer together. Senator Wilson mentioned the 1,000 ha in Cuilcagh, which is a fascinating project in itself. It is a cross-Border geopark which is vital, by the way, to the biodiversity of that region. Apart from politics altogether, it shows what we can do on the island on issues like climate change, biodiversity preservation, conservation and restoration. Then we have developed the Ulster Canal project, the Narrow Water bridge project, and also civil society projects. Community and voluntary organisations are jointly working together, and the shared island initiative is helping to fund, for example, the Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action, NICVA, The Wheel in the Republic, and likewise, we have up to 25 county and city councils working in partnership, North and South, on various projects.To me that is the real agenda right now. It is bringing people together from diverse backgrounds and with very different experiences through a process of dialogues that are genuinely inclusive and open, where thousands of people have come together. One of the better contributions to one of those dialogues was by the new host of "The Late, Late Show" Mr. Patrick Kielty. His contribution went viral when he spoke about his sense of identity in coming from Northern Ireland and what it meant to him. The value is in giving space to people to talk about these things without putting people into pigeonholes, constitutionally or any other way. There are a lot of things we can discuss and share.

We are conducting and facilitating substantive research, for the first time ever into the North and South jurisdictions around areas of education and health. It is looking at the education completion rates in the North vis-à-visthe Republic. The Economic and Social Research Institute, ESRI, did a very good study and analysis on that. This research is giving us an accurate picture of what is happening in different sectors across our island, in some cases for the first time.

The shared island initiative recognises that we need to find new ways to tackle problems that cross boundaries. It recognises that such co-operation is essential to the wellbeing, the prosperity, and the progress of the people on this island, regardless of their individual view on what the constitutional future should look like. Everybody is entitled to their perspective on the constitutional future but there is a hell of a lot we can get on with in bringing people closer together and in developing a shared understanding and shared perspectives. I remember meeting Mr. Derek Ervine at Corrymeela. It was the first time I ever met him. There were 12 unionists and 12 Senators and Deputies from these Houses. We were asked by the facilitator, who was a Quaker facilitator, to put onto the blackboard what we thought of unionists. We put up everything we thought of unionists. There was another question asking what we thought of nationalists. One Deputy said they do not even smile and were beyond smiling. We asked for five minutes to get out of there before they could see what we had written. The point is there are myths on each side. One unionist politician genuinely thought the parish priest wrote my political speeches. There is mythology on each side. The point is that when people sit down together and try to see something from the other person's perspective, we can begin to move to reconcile peace and get an accommodation. That work still continues and we must make sure we do not go back to the simple sloganeering of 30 years or 40 years ago. We must avoid that. We have to really educate the younger generation not to go back to that sort of sloganeering. It is about communities engaging. That is the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

I recall that when the process started, I was the Minister for Education and Science and I met with Martin McGuinness when he was appointed the Minister of Education. It really was about trying to understand all sides. People reach out to understand. I get the sense that as we have moved on, we are kind of closing that down again and getting into sorts of pigeonholes and asking, "What is your position on this or that?" I do not believe that is quite in the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

We would ask those in similar political positions now to pause, come together, listen to one another and start to think of all the people of Northern Ireland, especially those who have a different perspective, like so many leaders before them did in the long and often difficult months leading to the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998. As we celebrate the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, I assure this House, the proposers of the motion and all Members who have spoken that we, in government, will continue to work towards its full and effective implementation. The legacy of those leaders, and the clear voice of the Irish people expressed in those referendums, commands us to do so. I thank the Leas-Chathaoirleach and the Seanadóirí go léir. Go raibh míle maith agaibh agus go n-éirí an t-ádh libh.