Niall Ó Donnghaile (Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Tánaiste agus fáiltím roimh an bplé agus an rún atá os ár gcomhair anocht. Seal eile atá ann chun plé tábhachtach a bheith againn i gcuimhne ar 25 bliain de Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta.I welcome the Tánaiste and thank the proposers of the motion, which I support. As the Tánaiste knows, the Good Friday Agreement has been a beacon of light in the past 100 years of darkness caused by the partition of this country. It has lit many pathways in the construction of a new political ethos, which is helping, and has helped, to forge new relationships among the people of Ireland and between the people of Ireland and Britain. For me and many like me, the Good Friday Agreement has signposted a peaceful way forward to a new and independent Ireland, based on the consent of the people of Ireland, reflected in the agreement's commitment to constitutional referendums nationwide. It led to the repeal of the Government of Ireland Act, which wilfully and immorally laid claim to the North on behalf of the British Government. Articles 2 and 3 of Bunreacht na hÉireann were also amended to reflect:

... the firm will of the Irish Nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland, in all the diversity in their identities and traditions, recognising that a united Ireland shall be brought about only by peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people, democratically expressed, in both jurisdictions in the island.

A staging post to that outcome is the all-important clause that recognised:

... the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.

The agreement's appeal and durability are rooted in its ethos, which rests on several pillars. Those are respect, inclusion, equality, reconciliation, human rights and justice. The agreement is rightly future-focused and places the need for truth for the relatives of those who died in the conflict at the centre of its mission for a new society and a new Ireland. Its existence has undoubtedly saved thousands of lives over the past 25 years. The agreement is infused with the language of equality, human rights and, crucially, parity of esteem. The section on human rights is worth quoting in full. The parties to the agreement affirmed the right of free political thought; the right to freedom and expression of religion; the right to pursue democratically national and political aspirations; the right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and legitimate means; the right to freely choose one's place of residence; the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic activity, regardless of class, creed, disability, gender and ethnicity; the right to freedom from sectarian harassment; and the right of women to full and equal participation.

The agreement enveloped this ethos in the strand 3 Ireland-based governing institutions, namely, the North-South Ministerial Council; the Executive and the Assembly; and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and British-Irish Council. Commitments were also made to recognise and invest in the Irish language and Ulster Scots, as well as ethnic minority languages. There were also commitments to a new police service, the release of political prisoners, the demilitarisation of society, decommissioning, the safeguarding of the European Convention on Human Rights and a bill of rights for the North, a civic forum in the North and human rights commissions North and South.

In addressing the "totality of relationships" at the heart of the political conflict, the changes that the agreement brought led to the IRA ending its armed struggle, a truly remarkable and historic decision that also contributed to the process of change which has led us to this juncture.

In 1998, the vision of the Good Friday Agreement under the stewardship of Senator George Mitchell marshalled the best that the Irish and British Governments could bring to the negotiating table. It was matched by those who joined them at the table, nationalists and unionists, republicans and loyalists. Twenty-five years on, considerable progress has been made and, of course, more needs to be done to ensure those elements of the agreement not implemented are implemented fully. This is particularly so for relatives seeking justice for their loved ones, as other colleagues have already said and I am sure others will go on to mention. As has also been said, the British Government's legacy proposals are an affront to the relatives of those who died and those who were injured in the conflict. They are an affront to the spirit and letter of the Good Friday Agreement. The British Government should abandon those proposals and invest its authority in the Stormont House Agreement, which has the support of most of the political parties who support the Good Friday Agreement. Like Senators McGreehan and Currie, I am keen to hear the response of the Tánaiste in respect of practical next steps and what the Government will do if the British Government and Parliament pursue and pass this legislation. Will this Government prepare to take an interstate action? That is the juncture we are about to reach. That is what families, survivors and victims are asking us. They deserve an understanding of where the Government intends to go.

The process ushered in by the Good Friday Agreement continues to this day. It is reflected in the improved relationships between the nationalist and unionist populations, whatever about the absence of the North's Executive and Assembly. However, the DUP should play its part and join with the rest of the parties to re-establish the institutions of the North. That is what the vast majority of people want. There is greater awareness today of the need for a new and independent Ireland that reflects the British and unionist identity and culture, as well as the side of nationalists and the many other communities who make up our society across Ireland. It is reflected in the democratic changes that are taking place in the North where in the local government elections just a few weeks ago, the votes for pro-Irish unity parties outnumbered those for pro-union parties for the first time ever in a Northern election. It is time to fulfil the commitment in the Good Friday Agreement to hold a constitutional referendum on Irish unity and, indeed, to establish a citizens' assembly so the planning for the referendum and its outcome can begin. I agree with Senator McGreehan that the British Government should outline the criteria for a border poll. I do not think it is controversial to seek that. It is common sense and practical to do so. It is not too much to ask. The Government will, in that scenario, have to plan for a referendum so it is only right and proper, and neighbourly, for the British Government, as co-guarantor of the agreement, to outline to the Tánaiste the criteria it intends to be met.

Twenty-five years after the Good Friday Agreement, the Tánaiste will know and agree that it is time to let the people decide on the next 25 years and what kind of future they want beyond that.