Mr. Bertie Ahern:

We hope he makes the fullest possible recovery. We condemn in absolute terms the shocking attack on him and call again on those involved to stop now.

What was left? Sinn Féin, whose delegation was just around the corner from that of the Irish Government on the same floor at Castle Buildings was not happy with a number of matters. Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness came to see me in the early hours of Friday morning to voice their concerns and they left me a document with a lengthy list of questions. My team put together draft answers to them all and I signed off on them. To be fair to Gerry and Martin, they accepted my answers and declared themselves broadly satisfied. At 7 a.m., their spokesperson, Mitchel McLaughlin, went out to brief the media and said that agreement was looking likely, which felt like a fair reflection of the growing mood in the building.

In the course of the night, Tony Blair and I continued to work on some of the remaining thorny issues, such as decommissioning and prisoner releases. We eventually settled on the language around both of these issues in the agreement. All parties would reaffirm their commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations and "use any influence they may have, to achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in referendums North and South of the agreement". For prisoners, a similar two-year framework was used. In effect, the two governments would establish a scheme of early release in legislation, on the basis of which all qualifying prisoners would be out within two years of the commencement of the scheme.

We had already reached agreement on arrangements for validation and review of the agreement. On validation, a novel idea, which was prefigured in the Framework Document and was inspired by John Hume, was settled upon, the agreement reached in the talks would be subsequently put to the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic in simultaneous referendums, to be held on 22 May 1998. Looking back, this was a profoundly important innovation, as it meant that what emerged was not just a political agreement, but one that enjoyed the sovereign support of the people of the island of Ireland as their settled will. To its credit, the Women's Coalition, led by Monica McWilliams and Pearl Sagar, who also played an invaluable role throughout the talks, insisted that the text had to include reference to victims of violence. They made sure that was inserted.Important language also included rights, safeguards and economic, social and cultural issues. We also added an introductory section to the agreement called the declaration of support. This turned out to be an important setter of the mood and tone of the agreement itself. It contained straightforward language of regret for the legacy of the past, the hurt that had been caused to so many and the affirmation by all participants to a future based on partnership, equality, mutual respect and conciliation. It is also an appropriate moment to remind everybody of the valuable interventions during the night by President Bill Clinton. My goodness, he worked those phones. He was in constant touch with all of the key players, encouraging, cajoling and persuading. Frankly, it was hugely helpful and we will always be in his debt, as we will in respect of Tony Blair. I know I have mentioned his name a number of times during this speech but truly, he was significant throughout the whole period in terms of the search for peace in Northern Ireland. It was a task he continued to pursue during the remaining years until 2007. I was blessed to have him as my partner and friend through the process. No words of mine can adequately capture my gratitude for what he did for Ireland and for peace on our island.

By 9 a.m. or 10 a.m. the morning of Good Friday, 10 April, one day after Senator Mitchell's deadline, we were ready to close. The understanding was that agreement in principle had now been reached on all of the major elements that we have been describing here. What remained to be done was for Senator Mitchell and his team to undertake the important and complex task of pulling all the elements together, making enough copies for all participants and circulating the final draft one last time to each delegation. The task was completed around 11 a.m. and the precious copies were circulated to all delegations. Senator Mitchell set 12.45 p.m. as the time for the final plenary, at which it was hoped all delegations would sign off and we would all go home. As most of you know, that is not quite how things worked out. About 20 minutes into our reading of the final draft, word spread like wildfire around the building that the UUP was in trouble. I subsequently learned from David Trimble and Reg Empey, who was one of the top negotiators on the UUP side and now Lord Empey, that a very large UUP delegation had gathered in the room on the ground floor with the door locked. Several delegates began to believe that the totality of the text, taken in the round, was too much for them to be able to sell to their community. They were particularly unhappy about the proposed arrangements on decommissioning and the early release of prisoners. David Trimble sent word to George Mitchell to postpone the plenary. To say that every other delegation collapsed in exhaustion would not be too much of an overstatement. The pessimism came out in force with people saying they told us it would never be agreed or it was too good to be true and asking when were we getting out of there and all the rest. Tony Blair and I held our nerve for the following number of hours, which by the way were among the longest hours in my life. The heavy lifting fell to Tony Blair and David Trimble. They huddled together in Mr. Blair's office on the fourth floor several times during that period. In the end, it came down to further assurances on decommissioning and at 4.30 p.m., Tony Blair dictated a letter to David Trimble giving him further comfort in that regard. Jonathan Powell delivered the letter to Mr. Trimble. Having read it, and regarding it as sufficient, I gather he stood on a chair in the room and told his colleagues he was going to call George Mitchell to say he was ready to sign. Those who wished to follow him should, and those who could not, so be it. Colleagues, I say to you that all of this was a seminal moment in the entire peace process and one for which I think we will forever be grateful to David Trimble.

In any case, George Mitchell convened the plenary. Everyone rushed to the conference before anyone else changed their mind and there followed the moment of history that you have no doubt seen many times on television. Senator Mitchell went around the room asking the heads of each delegation to say whether they were assenting or not. Thankfully, we all know now the happy answer to that question was that the Good Friday Agreement was done. Minutes later, Tony Blair and I had one further duty, which was the separate and parallel document called simply, Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland. In effect, this incorporated from the agreement reached in the multiparty talks the elements that were specifically for the two Governments to take action on.In actuality, the two documents together constitute what we call today the Good Friday Agreement. Immediately afterwards, Tony Blair and I went out to the media.

There you have it, a Chathaoirligh. I apologise that this has been a lengthy account. However, I said to myself, having done endless interviews and programmes on the 25th anniversary that I would once put it all on the record somewhere. I wanted to take time to set it out, as I have here, from my perspective at this seminal time. I can think of no more meaningful a place in which to make that speech than the floor of the Seanad, and I thank Members for giving me the opportunity to do so.

Regarding the future, there is quite rightly a lot of excitement about how things might evolve and the possibilities for the next Ireland. The agreement provides the template and pathway in that regard. In personal terms, I share in that excitement. However, I would also add this word of caution from my experience. The contestation which gave rise to the Troubles is absolutely intact. True, and thankfully, it is no longer, for the most part, exercised through the barrel of a gun, but it remains visceral and real. My plea is that we continue to remember the lessons of history. By all means, let us dream about the future and plan for it, but let us never forget that right beside us are neighbours who see the world very differently.

This time 25 years ago, our quest was accommodation between unionism and nationalism in the context of the wider relationship and history between Ireland and Britain. In my view, that is still our quest. Let accommodation continue to be the door we go through. Let us continue to engage with each other, and to listen respectfully to each other. That was how we achieved what we did 25 years ago and that is what will take us through the next 25 years as well. I am certain that if we take that approach, the journey to the destination will take care of itself.