Frances Black (Independent) | Oireachtas source

The Minister of State is very welcome. I am glad to be here to support the motion. I thank the Senators of the Sinn Féin group for using their Private Members' business slot to allow us to debate this important development.

Brexit and the resulting debates on the withdrawal agreement and the Northern Ireland protocol have caused a significant level of uncertainty and polarisation in the North. Northern Ireland did not vote for Brexit but it has borne the brunt of the fallout from the decision of the British electorate. It is important to note that the Windsor Framework was negotiated under the withdrawal agreement and protocol. In essence, it is a more effective implementation of the existing special arrangement that was always going to be needed because of choices made at Westminster. This is about making the protocol work.

As one of the many Irish people who live a cross-Border life, I am grateful for the efforts of Irish and EU officials to protect the freedom of movement on this island. This was a crucial point of principle. Irish people should not be constrained in their movement on this island because of Britain's political decisions. I hope the framework provides relief to the Border communities who have had to contend with being a political football.

I am also hopeful that the unique position Northern Ireland has under the protocol will attract investment and economic development. The North lags behind the South on important economic and quality-of-life metrics. It has suffered from long-term neglect. I welcome the reference in the motion to everyone seeing the benefit of potential growth. As we know too well in the South, the benefits of foreign direct investment do not always trickle down to everyone.

The Windsor Framework agreement between the UK and the EU provides an important opportunity to break the disastrous impasse that has collapsed Stormont. The motion reflects the desire expressed by most people in the North for this matter to be resolved and their democratic institutions restored. Unfortunately, political life in the North and its democratic institutions have been derailed by the obstructionism of the DUP. We need to face the fact that it has refused its mandate to govern to appease the most extreme elements of its support base. We need more information on how the Stormont brake will operate. We saw how the DUP cynically exploited the petition of concern to block progress on marriage equality and abortion rights in the North. That progress had major cross-community support. I am concerned the DUP could be handed yet more veto power.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Chris Heaton-Harris, has claimed the Stormont brake exists to address the issue of Northern Irish people being subject to certain EU regulations without representation in the European Parliament. He referred to this as a democratic deficit. It is clear that the best way to resolve this issue is a process of constitutional change on the island of Ireland that brings Northern Ireland back into the EU. In the meantime, I echo the calls by Barry Andrews MEP and BXL-Irish Unity, a new campaign group, for Northern Ireland to be afforded non-voting observer MEPs who can provide oversight and give a Northern Irish perspective on the EU legislative process.

The motion is correct to reference the significance of recent developments in light of the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. This anniversary allows us to reflect on the importance of that agreement, how much work went into it and how carefully it was negotiated. I am glad the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, of which I am a member, has devoted so much time to examining the process and I await its upcoming report on the architects of the GFA. Great work went into the report and I await its publication with anticipation.

The GFA was premised on parity of esteem, mutual respect and equality. It required an acknowledgement that the constitutional positions of unionists and nationalists were equally legitimate. It set out a framework for how constitutional change could occur with democratic consent. That is why the suggestion of the British Government that unionism will be given further constitutional assurances should set off alarm bells. The British Government could unilaterally reopen one of the most sensitive central areas of the agreement as we are all preparing to mark the 25th anniversary of its signing. I echo Colum Eastwood and many others when they say it cannot be permitted to do this. The Government needs to be unequivocal about the sanctity of the agreement and the dangers of further unilateral British action. I hope the Windsor Framework brings clarity, progress and resolution to the Northern political stalemate. The majority of people want an end to uncertainty and dysfunction. Most Northern political parties are eager to do the work they were elected to perform.

Finally, in the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement, we should not be shy about our constitutional aspirations. Northern Ireland has a route back into the European Union and that is through constitutional change by democratic mandate as set out in the agreement. The Government needs to engage now in the planning and preparation necessary to facilitate that change. A further border poll cannot be a chaotic and misinformation-driven farce similar to Brexit; rather, it needs to be based on reason, debate and mutual respect. I have faith that a positive and hopeful vision of constitutional change will resonate with the people when they can have their say.