Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

We are on the side of international law, the UN Charter, peace, European values, democracy, the rule of law and European solidarity with other countries around the world in the face of horrific Russian aggression. That is what we are on the side of. If people choose to try to undermine that message or not to work with us in sending a clear message to people in Ukraine who are literally fighting for their survival and the future of their families and country, that is up to them, but I have been very clear on this issue. This is not an issue of neutrality. Ireland is militarily non-aligned and have been for many years. However, neutrality in Ireland means that Ireland chooses when to intervene in conflicts to bring about peace and stability and we choose to intervene in this conflict now. It is a one-side conflict for which one side bears all responsibility. I am sick of hearing people trying to create equivalence with other conflicts in other parts of the world or trying to find some excuse that somehow blunts the message and suggests that this is somehow all because of NATO expansion and legitimate Russian security interests. That does not stand up to scrutiny. If the Baltic countries of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia are asked why they joined NATO, they will tell say that they did not do so because they wanted offensive capacity or to threaten Russia. They joined NATO because they wanted defence and security for their own countries because they feared Russia from the east. NATO is primarily a defence pact in Europe. There is an idea that NATO has somehow been strategically creeping east to challenge or undermine Russian security but that is not what NATO is about.NATO is about defensive capacity. Understandably, because of their history with Russia, people fear the kind of brutality we are seeing in Ukraine right now. It is something I never thought I would see again on the Continent of Europe in my lifetime. A global military superpower is effectively trying to brutalise a neighbour into submission for whatever twisted reason it is using as a justification. There is a legitimate debate that Russia needs to be part of Europe's security as a continent, which is a different issue. That is not what this is about. This is about Russia trying to forcibly inflict its will on a country that is looking away from Russia, towards a different way of life that is based upon what we enjoy in the European Union. It is far from perfect, but it is based on democracy, free speech and a value system that allows people to live the lives they want to live. That is what the vast majority of Ukraine's population wants. We have seen that in recent elections. Russia wants to prevent Ukraine from accessing and developing that way of life.

We need to be clear with our messaging. We need to be part of a united effort to isolate Russia on this path and to continue to offer a channel of communication and diplomacy, as a way of ending this madness and looking to resolve legitimate concerns through politics and diplomacy. It is not easy, but it is a hell of a lot better than what we are seeing at the moment. In the meantime, we have an obligation to do everything we can to help the Ukrainian people to defend themselves, their country and their families. That is what we are doing in the context of the European peace facility, about which I know there have been many questions. In case there is any misunderstanding, Ireland is making its full contribution to that, as is France, Germany and every other country in the European Union. We are making our financial contribution to the element of the package that is non-lethal. It is equally legitimate and important to provide helmets, flak jackets, fuel, medical supplies and all of the other supplies that the 16- and 17-year-old young men who are being sent to the front to face oncoming tanks can use to make themselves just a little safer.

The sanctions package is about trying to impress on Russia as a country that we cannot accept and live with what Russia has decided to do. Until it changes course, we will isolate it and make life as difficult as we possibly can for a country that we would much rather have a completely different relationship with. It has decided the terms and Europe is responding in a way that has shown a level of determination and resolve that many people questioned the European Union was capable of showing. I have been in politics for 23 or 24 years, as have others in this House, and I have never seen the European Union in this mode before. Germany turned its foreign policy on its head overnight. We see countries across the European Union that have different histories and relationships with Russia coming together to unite behind a focused message and a strong package of sanctions, which will get stronger in the next few days. In four days, we have had three sanctions packages from the European Union and we will probably have a fourth package to add to it to continue to send clear, strong, firm messages.

Unfortunately, it appears the Kremlin only listens to powerful, forceful messages. It sees everything else as weakness. Chancellor Scholz made genuine attempts to reach out and find alternative solutions through diplomacy and compromise. President Macron reached out. Even yesterday, President Macron had a conversation with President Putin, trying to find alternatives to war. Europe will continue to reach out, both through back channels and direct conversations, to try to bring an end to this madness.

In the meantime, there is a country that desperately needs our help and it will get it. We will see a humanitarian challenge unfold, of a scale which Europe has not seen in a very long time. The conservative estimates are that we will see about 1 million Ukrainians cross the border if the conflict ends relatively soon. The UN suggests that the figure could be as high as 4 million. I was asked today what that means for Ireland and I gave an honest answer. I said that we are trying to share the burden across the European Union and to ensure every country plays its part. Ireland will not be found wanting. The allocation key for Ireland is normally 1.92%, so if there are 1 million refugees, 20,000 people would come to Ireland. Approximately 4,000 Ukrainians have taken up Irish citizenship over the last 15 years or so. Another 2,500 or 3,000 Ukrainian citizens are in Ireland, living, working, studying and so on. They will want to bring their extended families, connections and so on here. We are looking at significant numbers. The Ministers for Justice and Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, Deputies McEntee and O'Gorman, respectively, are looking at ways to do that with the generosity that is needed.

Do not be under any illusions. There is huge uncertainty here. There are no norms with a war of this scale. We will have to change our approach, be more flexible, act quicker, allocate money that was not budgeted for and play our part in this war in Europe where Ireland is not neutral and is not going to be neutral. Our focus will be on humanitarian response and responding to the questions of impunity regarding breaches of humanitarian and international law. That is why we will be so forceful in our support of the International Criminal Court and other mechanisms that can hold to account the people who are responsible for the war crimes that are being committed.

These are extraordinary days. History is unfolding. Europe is changing. In my view, this will change Europe permanently with regard to political relationships, strategic security alliances and the way that Russia is perceived by the European Union and how we respond to it in the future. We will have a debate in this country as we move past this, which we hopefully will, about what implications it has for Irish foreign policy. For now, let us be as helpful as we possibly can be to a country that is on its knees and fighting for its survival. Let us be generous. People around the country are asking how they can help. Adi Roche put it well today when she said we should financially support credible international organisations that already have a footprint and mechanisms to get products in and out of Ukraine and to support people. Those include organisations such as the International Red Cross and other UN organisations and NGOs that have the capacity to do that. Even though people are very well-meaning, what is not needed is thousands of small packages arriving in Poland to be managed by who knows.For now this is about supporting organisations that we know can get the assistance to where it is needed quickly. Believe me there will be a lot to do for the Ukrainians who chose to come to Ireland to make sure they feel safe and welcome here in the days, weeks and months ahead.

I thank Senators for the opportunity to speak to the House. I am sorry I missed some of the contributions but I suspect we will be having many more of these debates in the days and weeks ahead. If Members have issues they wish to raise with me they should feel free to do so directly. This should not be a party political issue. The decision by People Before Profit to introduce an amendment to a motion we put before the Dáil this evening is just really unfortunate. It is completely unnecessary. I deliberately insisted on a motion that was not controversial in terms of any of the political issues around this so that people could get behind it and send a clear message. People have decided not to support that approach and that is regrettable given what is at stake. I do not suspect any such division in this House when Members decide to vote on the motion tomorrow hopefully, or I should say not to vote but to agree the motion either tonight or tomorrow.

I thank the House for the opportunity to respond to some of the issues that were raised.