Seanad debates

Wednesday, 23 February 2022

Nithe i dtosach suíonna - Commencement Matters

Foreign Policy

10:30 am

Photo of Simon CoveneySimon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I welcome this opportunity. I also welcome Senator Dolan's family to the Seanad Chamber today. They should be very proud of their sister and daughter in the context of the role she continues to play in this House.

At the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday, we decided to provide €1.2 billion in macro-financial assistance to Ukraine. We hope this package will assist the Government and people of Ukraine in addressing some of the difficulties the Russian military build-up in and around their country, which has been destabilising their economy and society, is causing. The European Union is one of the largest humanitarian donors to eastern Ukraine. Since 2014, the EU and its member states have contributed over €1 billion in humanitarian and early recovery aid to support the needs of people in the areas directly affected by the conflict and those who have fled conflict areas. Many people do not realise it, but there has been an ongoing war in eastern Ukraine which has claimed the lives of about 14,000 people in recent years. The EU is advancing its contingency planning in the event of increased levels of need in the coming weeks.

On 15 February 2022, the State Emergency Service of Ukraine advocated that the EU Civil Protection Mechanism requesting in-kind assistance, including medical and shelter supplies and communications equipment, be triggered. Ireland is among a number of EU member states that responded to this request with an offer of medical supplies.

Russia's decision in the past two days regarding the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts is totally unacceptable. The decision is illegal and violates Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty. It also breaches the UN Charter. In order to uphold international law, the EU must react in a firm and proportionate manner in co-ordination with its partners. Ireland has therefore expressed strong support for EU sanctions.

The package of sanctions under discussion by EU foreign ministers targets those responsible for these decisions as well as those involved in the defence sector and in disinformation. Financial measures target the banks financing Russian decision makers and cut off access to the EU's capital and financial markets for the Central Bank of Russia. Economic relations between the breakaway parts of Donetsk and Luhansk and the EU will also be targeted. These measures are proportionate and absolutely necessary. Additional measures will be taken if the situation escalates further.

The impact of sanctions on energy and food prices remains to be seen, particularly in light of any additional sanctions that the EU may impose or retaliatory measures by Russia, which undoubtedly will happen. We know that sanctions will not be cost-free for Ireland or other EU member states, but we are left with little choice given Russia's behaviour. There is absolutely no way the European Union, along with the United States, the United Kingdom and many others, can stand idly by and watch a country with the power of Russia simply ignore the sovereignty of its neighbouring state and construct a basis for sending in so-called peacekeepers who are arriving in tanks and attack helicopters. These are not peacekeepers. This is essentially about, as the US President has described, carving out part of Ukraine and Russia taking it by force. Unfortunately, in the two regions we are talking about, separatists will now be supported by the Russian military, not only to secure the area they already control but, because they only control about one third of those two regions, we are looking now at the potential of very serious conflict between Russia and Ukraine in relation to the remaining areas of those two regions that are currently controlled by Ukraine. This is an escalating and very worrying situation.

Ireland’s role in this matter must be to support EU collective action and also insist constantly on a diplomatic intervention. Ultimately, we are trying to prevent war, not plan for how we would respond to war when it takes place. The priority must be to prevent it in the first place. That is why intensive diplomatic engagement must also be part of this strategy, as well as deterrent through increased sanctions.

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