Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I thank all Senators for their remarks. I share their condemnation of the civilian deaths over the past week and, in particular, the child casualties. Senators have raised several points that I would like to address but first I must say that it is clear that the more than 2 million people living in the Gaza Strip cannot endure another war. They have suffered far too much for too long already. The years of the illegal blockade have resulted in extreme hardship, including poverty and food insecurity. Repeated cycles of violence and now the Covid-19 pandemic have further eroded coping mechanisms, leading to a mental health crisis which particularly impacts women and children. Civilians in Gaza simply have nowhere to flee. They are a population under siege, not just now in the midst of this cycle of violence, but constantly for a long period.

I would like to address some of the points raised regarding the civilian impacts in the Gaza Strip, where this latest escalation risks worsening an already poor humanitarian situation. Israel, as an occupying power, is duty-bound to ensure unimpeded access to humanitarian assistance. Humanitarian access to the Gaza Strip must be ensured, especially through the Erez and Kerem Shalom crossings. The UN and its humanitarian partners must be permitted to bring in vital food, fuel and medical supplies and to deploy humanitarian personnel.

Israeli air strikes on the Gaza Strip may be targeted at terrorists but the damage to homes, schools, hospitals and basic facilities for the people of Gaza is undeniable and cannot be ignored. I am very concerned that UN Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA, buildings have been damaged during the military operations in Gaza. UNRWA plays a vital humanitarian role in Gaza. It needs to be protected and never targeted. According to the UN, 41 educational facilities in Gaza have been damaged, 36 of which are schools. Over 500,000 school-age children in Gaza have been affected by the conflict, half of whom attend UNRWA schools. The damage to UNRWA school buildings is deeply concerning.

I have seen for myself, on visits to Gaza, the importance that families attach to their children's education. I have spoken to many pupils in these schools and heard their stories in English, illustrating the quality of education that is provided. Every child has a right to education but in Gaza school means so much more to these children. It is their chance to escape the grim reality of their daily existence, a chance for them to shape their future and dream of an escape from the desperate cycle that they live in. At the moment, these schools are also providing shelter for over 40,000 internally displaced persons. They must be protected in line with obligations under international law and no threat to an UNRWA facility or UNRWA school is acceptable.

I pay particular tribute to the dedicated staff of UNRWA and other agencies, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, ICRC, the Red Crescent and various NGOs, who continue to provide critical services and support, even in the most harrowing of circumstances.

While much of the focus today is rightly on the violence and tension we are seeing in Gaza, the West Bank and in Israel too, we cannot and must not shy away from the enabling factors in all of this, namely, Israel's continued strategy of expanding settlements and the discriminatory practices by Israeli authorities against Palestinians. That is not an anti-Israeli statement but a statement expressing concern and criticism of Israeli Government policy, which is a different thing.

Ireland has consistently and strongly opposed settlements and will continue to do so. I am very clear on the illegality of Israel's settlement policy, which can only be seen as a strategy to take possession of Palestinian lands. It is fundamentally undermining a two-state solution with every month that passes and a future, viable Palestinian state. Actions such as the construction and expansion of settlements and the unnecessary destruction of Palestinian property are unlawful under international humanitarian law. Repressive, discriminatory and provocative policies and actions take us further away than ever from the prospect of achieving a just, lasting and comprehensive peace through negotiation and from equality of esteem, which is necessary to achieve the agreement that we seek.

It is hard to deny that what we see on the ground, in particular the impact of settlement policy, is tantamount to de facto annexation. Elsewhere, the position is equally worrying. There is no real prospect of political talks resuming any time soon; let us not cod ourselves. There is an absence that undermines faith in political action as a way forward. The postponement of Palestinian elections adds to this and I am particularly concerned that an entire generation of Palestinians has not yet had a chance to exercise their democratic rights. These frustrations are evident in the unrest across the West Bank in recent days. I have raised these issues in my contacts with the Israeli Government and with the Palestinian leadership. I will be speaking to my EU counterparts tomorrow at an emergency Foreign Affairs Council and will be pushing for an EU response of substance.

I hear Senators' calls for action and I assure them that I have been assiduous in my efforts over the past week. I will continue to support all efforts to reach a ceasefire in response to the current hostilities but also to encourage a reinvigorated engagement by the international community to restart political engagement and a process of peaceful resolution. We cannot return to business as usual after this. This is the fear that so many Senators have outlined but that is simply no longer a credible political option. We cannot return to the flouting of international law, with the expansion of illegal settlements into occupied Palestinian territory, making a two-state solution an ever more remote possibility. We cannot see a return to forced evictions of Palestinians from their homes in East Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank and we cannot return to the demolition of Palestinian property, settler violence and intimidation. We must acknowledge that these actions, occurring at an unacceptable rate for many years, are a source of legitimate grievance among the Palestinian people and undermine the prospects for peace and reconciliation.

Senator McDowell spoke about the consequences, in a post-conflict situation, of the emotion and hatred that are generated by the loss of life and injury.It makes peacemaking so much more difficult and more painful. The violence must stop. The indiscriminate targeting of civilians must stop. Rockets must stop. Progress requires dialogue, and ultimately there can be no substitute for direct negotiations between the two parties. It is time to look afresh at how we can assist Israelis and Palestinians to bring new momentum to resolving this conflict, but I do not believe that anybody is overly optimistic at this stage.

Let me conclude by stating my commitment to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. I have been asked to consider introducing the occupied territories Bill again. I spoke to Senator Black last night. It was a conversation we have had before but it was slightly more emotive last night given what we are seeing on our television screens and, certainly from my perspective, the reports I am getting from our teams in Ramallah and Tel Aviv. My focus is on trying to make things happen on an international stage that can put pressure on to move from violence into a cycle of negotiation. I will use all the tools that I can legally and credibly use to do this. I understand the frustrations with the lack of progress with the occupied territories Bill but I must be honest too. Two Attorneys General have given me very clear advice on what is EU competence and what is not. I must be honest that do not believe we can progress the Bill in a legally sound way. There are many other things we can do, however, and I look forward to working with the Senators on those.