Frances Black (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I warmly welcome the motion before the House. There is no doubt that the Good Friday Agreement was the greatest achievement on this island in the last 100 years. The importance of the Good Friday Agreement and the possibility of constitutional change is being discussed in all quarters for the first time ever and I believe that this is a conversation being led by civil society. Real change is always driven from the bottom up. We cannot treat this as an issue solely for politicians, though of course we have an important role to play. We need a broader, more meaningful public discussion about the future of our shared island, one that invites us all to reflect on the kind of society we want to live in. Despite voting by a clear majority to remain, the fact of the North being dragged out of the European Union against its will, and all the significant problems this brings, has put the question of our constitutional future front and centre.

The issue of human rights is important as Irish citizens in the North may not have rights equal to those of Irish citizens living in the South. Under the Good Friday Agreement, the European Convention on Human Rights was incorporated into domestic law in the North, as well as in the South, protecting against discrimination on a range of grounds. In 2010, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights came into force and built on this further, particularly with regard to workers' rights and social protection. It has meant that Irish citizens, North and South, enjoy these rights equally. Brexit unfortunately undermines this, as we all know. The UK Government has stated that it will enable the repealing of the Human Rights Act underpinning these protections.

The constitutional status issue is a discussion that must be rooted in respect and a recognition that there is not one, single narrative and there never is. We have a diversity of experiences and viewpoints throughout Ireland and this is something that should be welcomed.If we are to discuss Ireland’s future, then we must make clear from the beginning that it will be a discussion that includes everyone.

The Irish people have shown, most recently in the debates on repeal of the eighth amendment and marriage referendum, that we can speak about things maturely. A rational, respectful debate is not beyond us. The thoughtful, considered discussions that began in people's homes and public spaces were brought into a citizens' assembly. It relied on expert evidence, passionate testimony, and respect. It set the tone for a public debate in that same spirit and showed what we are capable of.

If Brexit has put the issue of our constitutional future front and centre, we need to talk in detail about what this means. If people could be asked to vote on reunification, we need to set out what it would change in practice, economically, politically, socially and culturally, for everyone on this island. It is not inflammatory to recognise this possibility and want to account for it in a sensitive manner. At the moment, we find ourselves in a sort of catch-22 position. We cannot consider the potential for a border poll without detailed planning but any efforts to do that detailed planning are similarly rebuffed. It is too soon, but for some reason it always will be.

If we do this planning and research and if we honestly and openly set out what a new constitutional future could mean, it can improve our capacity to address the issue respectfully. If everyone is given the opportunity to set out their views at a citizens' assembly, in whatever direction, it will make the prospect clearer and more knowable. This is especially important because history shows us that change often comes quickly. It is simply not tenable, as a political position, to say that we would like to wait until change picks up the phone, announces itself as on the way, and sets out a clear timetable for its arrival. That is fiction. We will never be given this luxury. The history of social change on this island, and indeed the world, is that life happens, and change comes unexpectedly, outside of neat, preordained schedules.

The Good Friday Agreement has been an essential vehicle for peace on this island, passed by overwhelming majorities North and South, and is rightly defended by parliamentarians and citizens alike, but we should recognise that an essential aspect of that agreement, set out directly in its first sections, is the question of our constitutional future. It contains a clear commitment that we must:

(i) recognise the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its status, whether they prefer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland;

(ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively and without external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish

That is the democratically agreed bedrock upon which this discussion rests. It is not a radical proposal pulled from nowhere. It is a central part of a vital peace treaty, rightly applauded and endorsed by substantial majorities, North and South. Let us treat this 23-year mark as a moment of renewal and a chance to call upon the spirit of co-operation, reconciliation and possibility that brought the Good Friday Agreement into being in the first place. We should call upon those values and recognise that conversations are happening all over the country. It is time for Government to engage with them.

As an Independent Senator and a citizen, this should not be party political. These questions do not belong to any party. They are for everyone but Government has a vital role to play. While I warmly welcome this motion and thank all the Fianna Fáil Senators who tabled it, I cannot stress enough the importance of planning and preparing for constitutional change, which should be led by a citizens' assembly.