Niall Ó Donnghaile (Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

On Friday Sinn Féin published a discussion paper entitled Economic Benefits of a United Ireland. The debate on unity has been turbocharged by Britain’s decision in 2016 to leave the European Union, a decision that has exposed the democratic deficit at the heart of the union. Despite the majority of the electorate in the North, including me, choosing to remain in the EU, we have been dragged out against our will. That is a decision that will have long-term consequences for the northern economy, for workers, for businesses and for living standards. Despite what Boris Johnson and his acolytes in the Conservative Party claim, none of these consequences will be positive.

This, however, is only the latest example of a state of affairs that simply is not working. We should never shy away from the very live discussion happening all around us. To do that would be to do all of our people a huge disservice. The Good Friday Agreement did not settle the constitutional question, rather it asks us the constitutional question. There is an alternative to the union, an alternative to Brexit. Irish unification is a guaranteed path back to the European Union. It gives the North a chance to steer its own course and to enjoy the dynamism of an all-island economy.

Of course, whenever discussion of Irish unity begins, the question of the subvention for the North is often raised, this is the difference between the revenue raised and expenditure attributed to the North. So difficult has it become to make the case for the union that this has become the strongest argument in favour of it. It goes something like this. The subvention is so large that the South could never afford the North, and the North could never survive without Britain. Those who make that argument essentially argue that the Northern economy has become so weak and so badly served by the union, that it can no longer survive without fiscal transfers. This is not exactly the strongest argument. Instead, it exposes how weak the northern economy has been served by Britain. Surely we all should aspire to more than that. Irish unity would secure our place as an open, outward-looking, progressive island at the heart of Europe.

Of course, Irish reunification is not without precedent. This year Germany celebrated 30 years of reunification, and though not a model, German reunification is an example that national unity would not be an Irish project alone but also a European-wide project. The role of the EU would be even more central in the event of Irish unity. That is the vista before us, one of opportunity.

It could not come soon enough. With the twin threats of Brexit and Covid-19, there has never been a better time to take stock, talk to one another, and consider our future together and that of our future generations. I have no doubt this discussion document can contribute to that debate and I hope colleagues across the House, even those who disagree with Sinn Féin or even still think it is not the time for Irish unity, would take the time to read it, because what cannot be denied is that now is the time to start the discussion, the engagement and the planning. I ask that this Seanad play a positive role and emulate the vast levels of political, academic, civic and community discussion that is taking place on this issue within our society by having statements on planning for new constitutional arrangements as soon as possible.