Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I first became engaged in issues relating to the direct provision system in 2003 or 2004. I was working with the Comhlámh anti-racism project at the time. It was initially an artists' project against racism which rapidly found it had to refocus on the policies being promoted at that time. One of the resources we produced was entitled, "Myths and Facts about Asylum Seekers." That resource was taken up and used by what then existed, the National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism, and others. It is something that should be revisited as well as a proper integration strategy.

When looking at that leaflet recently, I found it very depressing that some of these myths and facts are recirculated, refreshed and given a new gloss but are basically on the move again. While I acknowledge the positive aspects in the Minister's speech, much more care must be taken by the Government and public representative, including public representatives in the Government party, to ensure we are not feeding into any myths and facts. When we talk about pressure on housing and the health system, we need to be clear that migrants, and certainly those migrants,who may be coming through the direct provision system, which as we know is a tiny fraction of migrants in Ireland and a tiny fraction of the movement of people across our country, are not the cause and should never be allowed to be linked in any way.

No one is illegal and the right to seek asylum is a right for every person. Unfortunately, the Taoiseach recently talked about illegal migration and legal migration, which is not helpful and is not true. One is allowed to seek asylum coming from wherever. Legal migration takes many courses. If it turns out that a person does not satisfy the criteria, which are very strictly set out, for achieving refugee and protected status, it does not mean the person is illegal or a fraud. It means people have not qualified under one remit and there are other remits, under which they may qualify. If they do not, in that case they will have closed avenues and will not be able to stay.

Ireland has one of the highest refusal rates. These decisions get turned around on appeal sometimes which is a waste of energy for all of us and a cause of great distress for many people.

On the numbers of asylum seekers in Ireland, I was in Kenya two weeks ago. Kenya has 421,000 refugees coming from South Sudan and Somalia. While Kenya has a larger population, its population is only ten times larger than ours and the numbers it is taking are 100 times larger. For perspective, Ireland in 2018 had 6,000 refugees and Kenya had 421,000. Lebanon, a country under severe economic distress, had almost 1.5 million people. People are displaced across the world because we are at a time of great conflict - a priority for us to address - and at a time of great economic distress when we talk about economic migrants caused by issues such as climate change as well.

We have serious moral responsibility for some of the immigration control deals, including the outrageous situation in Libya. The problem we have seen in Libya shows that financially incentivising the warehousing of people by private companies creates a risk, a danger and a perverse incentive. Unfortunately, our direct provision system, largely done through tenders to private companies, some of which do not publish their taxation affairs and some of which are registered overseas, creates a not ideal and dangerous situation in terms of power dynamic, transparency and the delivery of quality services. I would like to see us moving away from that towards public delivery and public supports.

On the power dynamic issue, I have heard many testimonies from people who have been brave to come forward with their status still unconfirmed to talk about their experiences. They closely mirror what I heard again just this week - survivors of abuse and survivors of institutions who talked about the power dynamic in the day by day.

I offer some practical steps. Getting work permits at nine months is too late. Not enough people are getting them. A six-month work permit does not allow somebody to seek a proper or appropriate job. It is important to extend the work permit system so that it really works.

I understand that independent living only applies in one third of the centres at the moment. Independent living is compromised by the fact that many people are restricted by vouchers that can only be used in a particular shop. That again creates an unhealthy power dynamic. It is important for us to look at that practical measure.

Public transport is vital. Most of these people cannot get driver licences because of other restrictions. Public transport should automatically arrive. Regarding the rural link programme, it should be that when a group of asylum seekers are placed in a particular community it comes with the great public benefit of improved public transport.

It is an outrage that any child is missing out on schooling. That needs to be thought through and prepared in advance. The situation in Carrickmacross is unacceptable.

The court decision that the State can deny child benefit is extremely regrettable. What a difference it might make if the State chose to allow child benefit for children in the system. We know the research on adverse childhood events. We know what it does to children's prospects as they become adults. How many adverse childhood events do children in the direct provision system currently experience? How can we stand over it?

People can be relocated at short notice and without due process.They can go to the Ombudsman after the fact but what that relocation does to those who raise their heads above the parapet is dismantle their faith in starting again and making connections.

I want to acknowledge what Senator Martin Conway said about County Clare. What happened in Clare and in many other parts of the country was that the community engaged and the local people reached out. It was voluntary, under-funded schemes-----