Frances Black (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I thank all of the Senators who are supporting the Bill. I thank Sinn Féin, the Labour Party and, of course, the Independent Senators who support it. I especially thank Fianna Fáil. Deputy Niall Collins travelled to Palestine to educate himself on the issue. When he came back, he was clear about how he felt. He saw the situation in Palestine at first hand, as I did. I am delighted that the Bill now has the support of every political party and grouping in the Oireachtas, except those in government. I regret that that is the case, but I remain hopeful the Tánaiste will hear us out and come on board as the Bill progresses.

I am pursuing this initiative because I want Ireland to take a stronger lead on issues of human rights and social justice and do not believe such a stance would hinder our international standing but, rather, that it would enhance it. I saw the impact of settlement expansion when I visited the West Bank earlier this year. I spoke to the Tánaiste about it yesterday. I witnessed the restrictions on movement, the shrinking space for housing and healthcare facilities, a chronic lack of supply of electricity and the crushing indignity of a Palestinian community having been cut off from its water supply which had been diverted to support an Israeli chicken farm. That is horrendous and the injustice of it will stay with me forever. That commercial settlement built on stolen land beyond Israel's internationally recognised borders is a war crime. I know that I am repeating myself, but I ask my colleagues across the House whether the moral response is to condemn that action as illegal but then ask how much the eggs cost? There is deep hypocrisy in such a position.

Senators and the Minister have spoken at length about the legal aspects of the issue and our obligations as an EU member state.In researching my speech today, I was reminded of similar debates that took place in the early 1980s, when courageous Dunnes Stores workers refused to sell goods from apartheid South Africa. Faced with clear injustice, they followed their conscience and changed history, but their courage was not always matched here in Leinster House. There is a great set of State papers, covered in the Irish Examinera few years back, that show the opposition from Government and senior officials at the time. As the Irish Examinerreported, "State papers show that the Department of Foreign Affairs had no objection on political grounds to the proposals, but expressed concern that they could cause legal difficulties because of Ireland’s Membership of the EEC”, now the EU. In fact, the Attorney General advised at the time that we could not legally ban apartheid produce unilaterally, a position that was of course later reversed.

The papers are interesting because they show that even on one of the most internationally applauded stances we have ever taken, there was still an unwillingness for Ireland to be the first to act. We see the concern that no other EEC state had moved before us. The papers quote a Minister who worried that "a unilateral ban on trade with South Africa is inappropriate at present in that it would be unlikely to influence the South African Government". The Minister went on to say that the huge amount of global attention could have "damaging consequences for the country’s international reputation."

The cases of South Africa and Palestine are not identical, but the parallels struck me all the same. We see that same fear of taking the first step, of making a novel legal argument, of charting a course for others to follow. Ultimately, history has shown that the brave stance in favour of justice and human rights did not undermine Ireland’s reputation but instead greatly enhanced it. We sent a signal to our partners that tangible, credible steps could be taken that went beyond empty condemnation, and others followed. We did not isolate ourselves; we took the opportunity to lead.

We may have a long path ahead of us, but I believe that Ireland can play that role again. When we look at how the settlement project is crippling the West Bank, the damage on the ground and the unforgivable human cost, it should summon in us the same sense of injustice and anger that compelled us to action in the 1980s. Ultimately, the striking Dunnes Stores workers forced Irish politicians to stand up and show some leadership. The same applies today. I actually met one of the original striking workers, Tommy Davis, outside Leinster House this morning, and it was inspiring to see them coming to show support for this Bill.

We have made the case clearly that Ireland has the legal capacity to pursue this, if the political will is there. Today I am calling on my Oireachtas colleagues to show that it is and to state firmly that Irish foreign policy will always stand on the side of international law, human rights and justice. Go raibh maith agaibh.