Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

We will have to pick and choose the areas if there is joint procurement in terms of trying to get value for money. We have, for example, a memorandum of understanding with the United Kingdom on defence, and procurement is one of the areas on which we work with it, but that does not mean we do not procure inappropriately or with respect to weaponry that is inappropriate in terms of what Ireland aspires to do from a peacekeeping and defence perspective.

The establishment of PESCO is just one aspect of the implementation of the EU's global strategy. Another is the integrated approach which aims to enhance the EU's international crisis management capabilities through using all of the Union's policies and instruments, including diplomatic, development co-operation and humanitarian aid tools.

Our core foreign policy approach and priorities remain. Our long-standing policy of military neutrality is valued by this Government and will be upheld. This policy of military neutrality has gone hand in hand with our belief that international engagement is critical to enhance co-operation and reduce conflict around the world. In other words, military neutrality for us does not mean non-engagement or leaving somebody else to do the difficult things. We have a very active policy of neutrality where Ireland chooses on a voluntary basis to get involved in multiple, very complex and, in some cases, very difficult peacekeeping missions.

Support for multilateralism and the UN is another aspect of the EU's global strategy, and Ireland will continue to champion this. PESCO has the potential to strengthen and enhance the international peacekeeping efforts of our Defence Forces in support of the UN. The UN Under-Secretary General for Peacekeeping has welcomed PESCO as potentially providing additional capabilities for UN-mandated operations.

The UN is the cornerstone of the multilateral rules-based order, and it is facing particular challenges at present, as referred to by Senator Richmond. We believe Ireland should contribute to and participate to the fullest extent possible in the work of the UN, which is why our candidature for a seat on the UN Security Council is a reflection of the centrality of the UN to our foreign policy ambitions. A seat on the UN Security Council would serve as a platform to amplify the projection of Ireland's values and priorities on international relations. PESCO in no way compromises these values. We are continuing our leadership on disarmament and non-proliferation, the promotion and protection of human rights, humanitarian intervention, sustainable development, conflict resolution and the pursuit of a fairer, more just and more secure world.

Several Senators raised their concerns about Brexit during the debate in February. The Government welcomed the publication of the draft withdrawal agreement by the European Commission last week, including the proposed protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. The protocol, a part of the withdrawal agreement, translates into legally binding terms the firm commitments made in December. The draft withdrawal agreement will now be discussed internally among EU member states and will then be discussed with the UK via the task force in the Article 50 negotiations. We hope that it will be possible for substantive engagement to begin as soon as possible. The European Council was clear in December that negotiations can only progress as long as all commitments undertaken in phase one are respected in full in legal terms.

We have always been clear that our preference is to avoid a hard border through a wider future relationship agreement between the EU and the UK, and this is a view shared by the UK Government. We are also committed, however, to exploring specific solutions to be proposed by the UK, if necessary. At the same time, should it prove necessary, there is now a legal provision to implement a backstop if there is no agreement on option A or option B. We are very clear on what that backstop would be and the detail of how it would work.

I welcome Prime Minister May’s reiteration in her speech last Friday of the UK's commitment to protecting the peace process, achieved through the Good Friday Agreement, and to the commitments made in the agreement reached last December, including on avoiding a hard border. She has given a number of important reassurances in her speech, including restating her overall goal of a very close relationship with the EU, but also recognising that the UK will face hard choices given constraints between some of the UK aims and the consequences of withdrawing from the European Union. We look forward to the UK presenting its position officially across the negotiating table in Brussels and considering it together with the Commission and the other EU member states.

Ireland is continuing to work closely with our EU partners and the task force to ensure that the commitments made in phase one are delivered in full and that Ireland’s interests are advanced in the EU's position for the negotiations on transitional arrangements and the future relationship. The European Council plans to adopt additional guidelines at its next meeting on 23 March as regards the framework for the future EU-UK relationship.

Work in support of the negotiations in Brussels is continuing across Departments, co-ordinated by my Department. The solidarity of our EU partners for Ireland has been really impressive and consistent. I will continue to engage regularly with my EU colleagues in the weeks and months ahead on issues of key concern for Ireland as the negotiations progress.

While the UK’s decision to leave the EU has serious implications for Ireland, we maintain a strong and constructive bilateral relationship with the UK. We are fully committed to developing and enhancing this relationship over the coming years, despite the challenges that Brexit will undoubtedly pose.I am aware that several Senators raised issues about the Middle East, including the Middle East peace process, which is a particular priority for me, as I hope this House will understand from previous debates. In recent weeks, I met again with the US team working on the Middle East peace process to explore what we can do both nationally as Ireland and at EU level to make progress on the Israel-Palestine conflict. As I have stated previously, I was disappointed by the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. In all my US contacts, I have been clear about Ireland's commitment to a two-state solution with Jerusalem as the capital of both Israel and Palestine at some point in the future. Senator Black's Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill was born from a desire to end settlement construction on Palestinian land. The Government and I share this objective fully. However, the matters touched on in this Bill relate to international trade, which falls under the common commercial policy of the EU. We will return to this issue in the Seanad in a few months time and I look forward to that. Ireland does take action on settlements where possible. For example, regarding the matter raised by Senator Feighan, I deplore the demolition of Palestinian structures in Area C and I have seen the consequences having visited the area. Ireland is part of a group of EU states that have called for compensation for the destruction or confiscation of structures and other humanitarian aid, which is contrary to international law. We raised all these issues at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting last week when we had a number of Arab League foreign Ministers with us for a lunch time discussion. Senator Ó Donnghaile raised the important issue of the treatment of minors. During my visit in January, I did raise Ireland's concerns about the detention of minors directly with the Israeli authorities. During my visit to the Middle East, I raised the case of Ahed Tamimi. Ireland and other EU diplomats have attended her hearings in the military court. The handling of this case is worrying. The arrest was carried out in the middle of the night with the latter broadcast on Israeli television. She is being held without bail pending trial, which may result in a very long period of detention on the basis that she is a danger to the public. I think this allegation lacks serious credibility but we will continue to monitor that case with interest.

Regarding Syria and Turkey and Russia in particular, the situation in Syria is of the utmost concern. I think that in ten, 20 and 50 years time, the world will look back at how history is written regarding Syria and it really will be a stain on the capacity of the global powers to prevent mass bloodshed and misery. The siege of eastern Ghouta has been utterly horrifying. Somebody talking about it in the aftermath of the worst of that violence last week told me that they simply could not watch it. It was just too horrifying to think of the detail, particularly the impact on women and children. I found it difficult to watch myself and I utterly condemn in the strongest possible terms the attacks on civilians that have taken place. I was at the UN Security Council when the Secretary General referred to eastern Ghouta as hell on earth and called for an immediate ceasefire there. Russia's support for the Assad regime has prolonged the suffering of the Syrian people. In October 2017, I relayed Ireland's concerns to the Russian deputy foreign Minister. These messages have also been conveyed to the Russian ambassador on a number of occasions. Regarding the situation in Afrin, which was mentioned earlier, I understand Turkey's desire to protects its citizens from spillover from the conflict. However, military action risks being counterproductive and a de-escalation is undoubtedly needed. Officials from my Department met the Turkish ambassador in January and highlighted Ireland's concerns about the protection of civilians.

Regarding Yemen, which is in a similar category to Syria in some ways, I believe the only way to bring about a long-term sustainable improvement in the situation for the Yemeni people is through a negotiated end to conflict. I welcome the appointment of Martin Griffiths as the new UN special envoy for Yemen and wish him well in the almost impossible job he must do. Ireland has provided over €11 million in humanitarian assistance to Yemen since 2015 and we are committed to maintaining that support. Ireland has provided over €20 million in core global funding to UNICEF since 2015. Ireland was part of the core group that secured a landmark resolution at the UN Human Rights Council last September establishing an international group of eminent experts to examine and report back on the human rights situation in Yemen and whether or not war crimes have been committed there. As I stated previously in this House, there is no consensus at present at EU level on an arms embargo to Saudi Arabia or any other members of the coalition but to be clear, Ireland does not export arms to these countries.

Several Senators addressed development issues, including our 0.7% of gross national income overseas development aid target and the sustainable development goals that are very much linked to that. Preparations are under way to produce a new White Paper on international development policy in 2018. This will inform an ambitious pathway towards making sustainable progress on that 0.7% UN target. What Senator Richmond said earlier is true. This Government has an ambition to dramatically change the ambition levels relating to getting to where we promised we would be, which is 0.7%. That is a discussion that needs to take place between my Department, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. Reaching this target will involve significant increases in the overseas development aid budget and careful planning and consultation with other Departments and stakeholders because not all of the overseas development aid comes through my Department. Some of it goes through the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine; some of it goes through the Department of Health; and some of it goes through a series of other Departments such as the Department of Education and Skills. When we have clarity on that pathway to the 0.7% target, I would be delighted to come back to the House and talk through it in detail as I would like to get feedback regarding the White Paper we will progress. Clearly, the work of the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade did in this area and the report it published last week will help to inform what I hope is a non-party and non-partisan debate on how we do that and provide a much more generous approach that I believe Ireland should be taking towards overseas development aid financing.

Regarding the national implementation plan for sustainable development goals, the Department of Climate Action, Communications and the Environment is co-ordinating the interdepartmental working group that drafted the plan and will be drafting a voluntary national review. The review will include input from civil society, business groups and individuals. As with the national implementation plan, my Department plays an active supporting role in this process and has responsibility for targets that involve supporting developing countries to achieve their sustainable development goals, including in the key areas mentioned, which are gender, education, climate change and agriculture, areas where I believe Ireland has international relevance and impact.

Senators also raised issues relating to the diaspora and returning emigrants. This day last year, on 7 March, the Government approved, in principle, the holding of a referendum to amend the Constitution to extend the franchise at presidential elections to include Irish citizens resident outside the State, including citizens resident in Northern Ireland. We are committed to holding a referendum on this issue, which is likely to be in June 2019. We are also committed to reducing the barriers faced by citizens seeking to return to Ireland from abroad. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade commissioned an economic report on difficulties experienced by Irish people returning home which has recently been finalised and makes 30 recommendations for Government. We are going to publish that report this evening. That is the plan.There will be statements in the Dáil on it tomorrow. We are also working to address the recommendations in the report, including through the interdepartmental committee on the Irish abroad which works to facilitate a whole-of-Government response to issues affecting Irish people abroad.

This Government also continues to identify with and support the needs of Irish emigrants living in the United States, including undocumented Irish citizens. We remain wholly committed to working with the US authorities to resolve the plight of the undocumented Irish, while respecting the right of the United States to set its immigration policies. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has worked closely with Irish immigration centres in the United States for many years on this issue, and continues to fund many centres through the emigrant support programme. These centres provide front-line services to many undocumented communities.

In addition to emigrant support programmes, we continue to raise the plight of the undocumented at the highest level, including through my recent visit to Washington. The ongoing work of Deputy John Deasy, who is a special envoy on this issue, is paying dividends. The matter will be raised by the Taoiseach during his St. Patrick's Day visit in the days ahead. Once again, I thank Senators for the opportunity to address some of these issues.

One or two other points were raised regarding our global footprint. The Taoiseach has outlined an ambition to double our global footprint, that is, Ireland's impact and reach internationally, by 2025, which is a pretty ambitious target. We have started in an ambitious way and this year new embassies will open in Santiago in Chile, Bogota in Columbia and New Zealand, which should have happened before now. New consulates will open in Vancouver and Mumbai. A new embassy will open in Amman in Jordan, which reflects our interest in the Middle East peace process and how it will develop into the future.

We are close to announcing a series of new embassies in other parts of the world where Ireland needs to increase its presence, such as in places like west and north Africa, and east of the European Union. I do not want to start naming names, but there are diplomatic and strategic engagements in which Ireland needs to get involved in parts of the world where we have been light in terms of our presence until now.

The final issue is protecting the marine environment. When I was in a previous ministry, I committed to Ireland banning microbeads, something about which Senator O'Sullivan feels very strongly and continues to campaign on. We are going to do that. I have spoken to the Minister, Deputy Murphy, about the matter. We are going through the necessary processes with the Commission to be able to do it, but I am very confident that the required legislation will be passed before the end of the year.

I am also a big supporter of marine protection areas. We will progress special protection areas at sea in the future. We are also the first Government to progress marine spatial planning, which is very much part of the Ireland 2040 plan. Unfortunately, people have chosen to focus on other issues relating to Ireland 2040 in terms of how it is being sold and marketed rather than the detail of what would change Ireland for the better. That is primarily politics rather than anything else. Some mistakes were made, but nothing which would justify the level of criticism and coverage.

The level of ambition around the development of our marine resources in the plan shows a fundamental change in ambition in Government policy which is very welcome. It will not surprise people who know me well to know that I have a real commitment to the marine as a resource which needs to be protected and which can give a lot more to its people than it is currently giving. With those comments, I hope I have addressed most of the issues.