Niall Ó Donnghaile (Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

My contribution does not mention Fianna Fáil half as much as Sinn Féin was mentioned in the Fianna Fáil contribution. While I do not take huge issue with Senator Ardagh personally because it is clear from her contribution that she has been handed a speech to recite in regard to this issue, I do have to pull the Fianna Fáil Party up on a number of points.

Coming just a few short weeks after the UDA murdered a man in the car park of a Sainsbury's supermarket in Bangor, Fianna Fáil got up in this House and started to tell Sinn Féin it needs to reflect on the IRA, which left the stage in 2005. That, of course, was verified by a whole raft of organisations, North and South and internationally, and by bodies appointed by the Government. Its decommissioning was overseen by the Rev. Harold Good and the late Fr. Alec Reid, and I do not imagine Fianna Fáil will call into question the bona fides of those individuals. I do find it interesting that Fianna Fáil, in the form of hurlers on the ditch - in fact, all-Ireland winning hurlers on the ditch when it comes to politics in the North - is saying this to Sinn Féin, which, I remind the House, received its biggest ever mandate since the partition of the country and overwhelmingly significant endorsement from the people in the North, while Fianna Fáil received zero votes there. The people there are very clear in regard to the Sinn Féin stance on these matters.

The issue of rights, Acht na Gaeilge, marriage equality and victims and legacy issues should not simply be parked and set aside. I wonder what rights the members of Fianna Fáil would ask their children, families, neighbours and constituents to compromise in this jurisdiction. Would it be Irish language rights, the right to marry the person one loves or the right to access a proper legacy inquest into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, for example? Is that what Fianna Fáil is telling nationalist and republican people, and many people from the unionist and loyalist tradition in the North, to park, and all simply because it wants to have the opportunity to grandstand and take political sideswipes at Sinn Féin in advance of the summer recess? I will not be distracted and I do not think people in the North will be particularly enamoured. It is very clear those issues will not be parked for the sake of returning to the status quoand what passed previously. Those days are very clearly over.

To return to the business at hand, I welcome the Bill, which gives effect to the international agreement between the Irish and British Governments in September last year to establish the independent reporting commission. This commission mechanism was agreed as part of the Fresh Start agreement in November 2015 which Sinn Féin negotiated and supported, along with other parties - I do not think Fianna Fáil was there. All and any steps that contribute to the ending of violence and criminality on our island are to be welcomed. The establishment of the independent reporting commission is a positive step forward in that regard. Its objective, as outlined in section 3 of the Bill, is to support long-term peace and stability.

No one in this House can argue against all of that and it is what all of us want to see - peaceful communities and a peaceful country. There are those, however, who do not want to see that objective fulfilled. The continued activity of so-called paramilitary groups impedes the development of peace, imposes hardship and inflicts great harm on citizens and communities. The Bill before us rightly reflects the need for greater all-Ireland co-operation to tackle crime and criminal activity. I welcome the realisation of both Governments and all parties, North and South, that we are better able to tackle issues like this on an all-island basis. The argument has been made here many times that it is together that we are better equipped to tackle the big issues that face all of us on the island.

Sinn Féin is totally and absolutely opposed to criminality of all kinds and we stand with communities across this island, with An Garda Síochána and with the PSNI in opposing criminal gangs and criminality in all its forms. As a consequence, Sinn Féin members' homes, my own included, and their families been attacked. Our party will continue to try to reach out to others and to robustly face down violent loyalism and so-called republican dissidents. Despite that fact, there have been deliberate efforts, some of which we have heard here today, to criminalise and demonise republicans, Sinn Féin activists and other citizens, especially those in cross-Border communities in places like south Armagh and north Louth. Contrary to the image portrayed by some elements in the media and some in this House, such portraits are a fallacy, conjured up for the purposes of pathetic political point-scoring. There is no doubt that criminal gangs which masquerade as republicans, for whatever reason, exist. They are not republicans; they are criminals. No doubt, the independent reporting commission will come to that same conclusion.

There is also a major problem relating to ongoing loyalist paramilitary violence which should concern us all. The recent killing of Colin Horner, purportedly as a result of a feud within the UDA, is deeply concerning and there can be no room for such grievous acts in a civilised society. I urge those involved to stop now in the interests of all citizens.

The independent reporting commission is a mechanism on which we can all agree. It was agreed as a result of all-party talks and agreement between both Governments. The latest round of talks in the North have, regrettably, not proven successful, despite the very best efforts of Sinn Féin to find agreement with the DUP, the other parties and the two Governments on outstanding issues. It is disappointing but perhaps not surprising that a deal has not been done. Such a result is a direct consequence of the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, supporting the DUP and the DUP supporting her. The DUP which, of course, was strangely absent from the Fianna Fáil contribution, had the endorsement of the Loyalist Communities Council ahead of the last Westminster election, certainly giving cause for concern among many of us. It is a monumental failure by Theresa May and her Government. Decades of work are being put on hold to keep her in power.It should be very clear by now that a restored Assembly and Executive are only sustainable and tenable if they are based on fairness, respect and equality. The rights-based issues, whether they be Acht na Gaeilge, a Bill of rights, marriage equality, the rights of families to coroners' inquests, independent investigations or information recovery, are not solely Sinn Féin demands but are citizens' demands and are basic rights that are protected in England, Scotland, Wales and the rest of Ireland. The denial of these rights would not be tolerated elsewhere on these islands and should not be tolerated in the North. However, the British Government is prepared to facilitate such a failure because it is in hock to the DUP. It is prepared to say "No" to fundamental human rights to appease its partners in the DUP, which is unacceptable.

Sinn Féin was and is prepared to work through the issues and we will continue to try to do that. We will not tolerate the denial of basic human rights. It should not be a shock to anyone that unionist parties want to delay, nor that they come to the issue of rights slowly and reluctantly, but they cannot do that forever. The Sinn Féin electorate will not consent to be governed by the DUP on the DUP's terms. We do not and would not expect the DUP electorate to consent to be governed by us on Sinn Féin's terms either.

It is quite simple. It is all about rights, equality and respect. It is about agreement on how these rights and our agreements are to be delivered and implemented. That is the only way to get the institutions back up and in place. I support the Bill.