Colette Kelleher (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I welcome the Minister of State to the Seanad and welcome the opportunity to comment on the migrant integration strategy. I also welcome the commitment contained in the strategy to review and reform our legislation to tackle hate crimes, the commitment to place long-term residency on a statutory footing and the provision of funding to community groups and NGOs to foster and promote integration.I view this issue through the lens of my own migrant experience. Like millions of Irish people, I was an economic migrant. I graduated from UCC in the bleak 1980s when there were no jobs or opportunities. I followed my then boyfriend, now husband, to London. It was a case of family reunification. I stayed there for 17 years.

Migration is a complex issue. It is neither black nor white, all pluses nor all minuses. It is a balance of give and take. Reflecting on my own experience, I contributed to and benefitted from the society in which I lived. During my time in London, I worked and paid taxes - local, the poll tax and even water charges. I was an active citizen who volunteered at the local disability centre and joined and played a role in a political party. My husband was a school governor. We gave back to the community. However, I also signed on, did a postgraduate degree in Southampton with subsidised accommodation, availed of free health care through the NHS, received child benefit and got free books for my children from a local school where 31 languages were spoken. That school played a key role in making me feel like a full participant through intercultural exchange and the type of thoughtful local leadership displayed by Senator Hopkins in her home town of Ballaghaderreen.

From that experience, I have a few questions for the Minister of State on our plans for the integration of migrant communities in Ireland. I am concerned about the habitual residence condition, HRC, which excludes people from supports for their first two years in Ireland. It arises time and again in the homeless sector and often makes a bad situation much worse. How many people are affected by the HRC, how consistently is it applied, what is its core purpose and does that purpose still stand in light of Brexit? In a similar vein, I note there is no mention of any action to support the 26,000 undocumented people in Ireland despite the fact that the Government is pushing for a scheme for the undocumented Irish in the US. I recognise the hypocrisy in this that Senator Ó Ríordáin outlined.

Access to education is a key driver for integration. Migrants and NGOs like Nasc in Cork have long called for the expansion of the free fees initiative to include children of migrant parents who are currently ineligible. Many of these parents, who are working and contributing to the economy, find that they are faced with EU fees when trying to access education for their children. This is unfair and acts as a barrier to education. This is particularly true for children of work permit holders. Will the Minister of State examine this matter?

The definition of "migrant" in the strategy remains narrow. For example, it excludes asylum seekers and there are no measures to address their integration needs. Like many of our EU counterparts, the integration process should begin from the point of arrival, ensuring that those who eventually remain in Ireland having come through the asylum process can make the smooth transition from institutional living in direct provision to life in the community. A report by the Oireachtas petitions committee, chaired by Senator Mac Lochlainn, in May 2015 found that segregationist direct provision was not fit for purpose. This finding was consistent with the McMahon working group report, which was commissioned by Senator Ó Ríordáin and published in June 2016.

Like Senators Lawless, Conway, Ó Clochartaigh, Black, Mac Lochlainn and Ó Ríordáin, I would like to know whether the application process has improved since that report, whether it is still dogged by delays and how many people have leave to remain but are stuck because of a lack of affordable housing. Senator Mac Lochlainn's helpful suggestion is one that should be considered. Is direct provision covered by the Ombudsman? Does freedom of information legislation apply to all of its aspects, including the provision of goods, services and contracts? Given that people are living for years on end in direct provision, will those centres now be inspected by HIQA? Have advances been made on giving people the right to work or programmes to help people who have leave to remain to get employment, training or education? Are there plans to increase the paltry allowance to enable people to live an integrated life? I am aware of inconsistencies. For example, one direct provision centre in Cork has a bus service five times per day whereas another centre has one just once per week.

On a related issue, Ireland has promised to take 4,000 refugees and asylum seekers by September 2017. How close are we to meeting that target? I support Nasc's call for a new, safe and legal migration route for people fleeing conflict and who have someone willing to sponsor them in Ireland. The proposed scheme would introduce a humanitarian admission programme for Irish citizens, beneficiaries of international protection and-or legal residents to apply for family reunification, similar to the Syrian humanitarian admission programme that was introduced for a limited time in 2014. It would also allow members of Irish society to co-sponsor family reunification applications by providing financial, social and institutional backing, thus improving a person's opportunities for integration and easing the financial burden on the host family and the Government. This is a pragmatic, cost effective and efficient solution that ensures the safety of those seeking protection while promoting integration and reuniting families. Many people already legally resident in Ireland are desperately seeking to bring family members out of conflict zones and have adequate resources to support them, but the International Protection Act makes that difficult.

From my first-hand experience as an economic migrant, I know how programmes and strategies can make migration a win-win for people like me, our families and the countries in which we find ourselves. I thank the Minister of State for listening and for giving of his time to this important issue.