Gerard Craughwell (Independent) | Oireachtas source

Aire, tá fáilte romhat. If ever we needed a steady hand at the tiller, we need one now, and the Minister is the right man for that. I am delighted to see him back in his current position.

There have been many calls for a second referendum following the decision of 52% of the 72% of the UK electorate that cast their votes. This is a matter for the Government of the UK and I do not believe we in Ireland should try to impose our multi-referendum process - keep going until you get the right answer - on any country. Ireland's focus now must be on re-establishing our centuries old pre-European communities relationship with the UK.

There are three key areas the Taoiseach must seek to address at the European Council. He must immediately determine the options for a free travel area and if the UK is willing to allow a travel area for all EU citizens. He must establish a clear position on whether the North-South border or an all-island border control is preferable.He must set out a clear plan of action for trade, agriculture and customs and excise. If there are to be Border controls, the Taoiseach must place the full cost implications at the door of the European Union.

The Taoiseach must calmly lay out Ireland's priorities with our partners in the European Union and how Ireland, as a sovereign State, will handle the issues of travel and borders within Ireland and the UK. What was clear during the lead-up to the Brexit referendum was that the UK wanted to strengthen its borders. If this remains the case, we must be prepared for it and we must put our own plans in place. The closure of Army barracks and under-resourcing of security forces around the Border mean Ireland is unprepared for the reality of a new situation, and this must be addressed as a matter of urgency. We must now ask whether, if we had the choice today, we would close the Army barracks in Cavan. We have lost much of the corporate knowledge required to manage borders should this eventuality arise. Our Defence Forces stationed in Border areas are stretched to the limit, with literally hundreds of troops moving back and forth across the country to meet duty needs in Dublin. Troops are travelling from Finner Camp in Donegal and from Dundalk to carry out daily duties in Dublin.

What, if any, contingency planning has been conducted by the Department of Defence and the Department of Justice and Equality with regard to the potential re-establishment of a hard Border? It would be difficult to believe that this scenario has not been war-gamed in the lead up to Brexit in order to inform the Government of the range of capabilities and resource commitments required. Informed contingency planning by the Defence Forces will be key to securing Ireland's borders for both economic, or trade, and sovereign security. I believe that the cannibalisation of the Garda and Defence Forces by successive Governments will have an impact on both forces' ability to adequately mitigate identified and unidentified risks in this context. Currently, based on issues identified by the various representative associations, these forces do not have the capacity or organisational structure to adequately address these latest developments. We have problems with the junior officer ranks, and the number of young officers who are retiring early or leaving the Defence Forces is a serious issue. I ask the Minister if today he can offer any reassurance that these issues have been planned for and are being addressed.

Trade and agriculture will be hit very early on in any Brexit deal. We need to have clear plans and costings to bring to the EU as regards the risks for business due to differing VAT rates and customs and excise. We will need controls to stop businesses from being damaged by this. Britain will, of course, no longer be bound by State aid rules either. Agriculture is an island activity, and food processing, disease control and trade are hugely dependent on an agreed approach.

In order to establish a position at the start of preparations, we need to get some details agreed as soon as possible. The first of these is a question for the EU and the UK: the extent to which a free travel area is possible for EU citizens. Ireland is not part of the Schengen Agreement but we must still allow free travel for EU citizens. If there are to be tighter controls, Ireland must quickly state whether North-South or all-island controls would be preferable. North-South controls would represent a huge cost burden on us and generally disrupt trade and progress on the island.