Jillian van Turnhout (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Joe Costello. As he knows, I raised this issue with him last week and also raised it on the Order of Business. Therefore, I very much welcome this all-party motion on what can only be described as an issue of the utmost concern to the international community. Since others have covered the fine details and because the time allotted is so short I will use my time to address surrounding issues.

I note and support the call to action made by Walk Free, an online movement fighting to end modern slavery, which is urging the Nigerian Government to, first, act immediately on intelligence received by credible local sources; second, to work with neighbouring countries such as Cameroon which is regarded as a stronghold for the Boko Haram group and Chad, as well as other nations offering assistance to mount an effective search for the girls; and, third, to improve the protection of schools in north-eastern Nigeria in order that children can receive an education without the risk of kidnapping, forced marriage or other abuses. Deplorably, in this instance, the attack on the girls in a school setting is no coincidence, given Boko Haram's stated opposition to perceived "western education".

I commend the work of the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack to establish better protections for schools and universities from military use, including the Draft Lucens Guidelines to Protect Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict. Last November I met Human Rights Watch which, with Education Above All, the global initiative protecting the right of children and youth to quality education, was in contact with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade when it visited Ireland to seek our support in solidifying the guidelines. I urge the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Eamon Gilmore, and the Minister of State, Deputy Joe Costello, to take a leadership role on the issue. While the Department has yet to respond to the request for support, I understand 23 states and entities, including many fellow EU member states, the European Parliament and the International Committee of the Red Cross, have made statements in support of the guidelines process. Perhaps this is something we could actively do.

Gender based violence, sadly, intensifies during armed and violent conflicts. While Boko Haram's atrocities are not limited to acts of violence against girls - for example, in February this year the group murdered 59 boys in their boarding school - this incident does highlight the distinct vulnerability of women and girls to violence in times of conflict. I recall the motion tabled by Senator David Norris on sexual violence in conflict which was debated in the House last November and which I seconded. I spoke about sexual violence and rape in armed conflict, particularly targeted against women and girls, as a premeditated weapon of war and from which virtually no conflict was immune.

Female genital mutilation is another horrendous example of gender based violence perpetrated predominantly against the girl child. The introduction of the Criminal Justice (Female Genital Mutilation) Act 2012 contributes to fulfilling the first goal of Ireland's national plan of action "to prevent the practice of FGM in Ireland". I was privileged to support Senator Ivana Bacik during its passage into law. I am also delighted that the second goal of the plan, "to provide high quality, appropriate health care and support for women and girls who have undergone FGM", has now been delivered through the opening of Ireland's first FGM clinic in the Irish Family Planning Association's clinic on Cathal Brugha Street which I understand will be officially opened to the public tomorrow.

Another horrifying element facing the abducted girls in Nigeria is the threat of forced marriage. This constitutes an egregious violation of girls' fundamental human rights, including their sexual and reproductive health rights. There are potentially fatal consequences for the girls whose immature bodies are not ready for child bearing. As a side note, in regard to Irish legislation, while we have the age of marriage at 18 years, we do allow exemptions for special reasons. I wonder if it is time for Ireland to set an international example by stating 18 years is the age of marriage and that there should be no exemptions in reducing it. As it stands, we are saying it cannot be done for cultural reasons elsewhere, but that we might perhaps consider exemptions for our own reasons. It is a question I throw out and which I would like to debate.

Today marks the launch of the global rights campaign "I Decide" in Ireland. This campaign was launched by the IFPA and calls on world leaders to support women's and girl's basic sexual and reproductive rights. I very much support the work it is trying to do.

The motion cannot be debated in a vacuum or such limited time. I could say so much more about so many issues. It throws up a plethora of issues, ranging from transparency and good governance to maternal health, mortality and gender based violence, all of which are interlinked and warrant further debate. I call on the House to hold a specific debate on violence against women and gender based violence. It would be worthwhile for us to have more time to debate this issue and also talk about how Ireland can be a role model and not just look at other countries. Obviously, we need to play a role on the international stage, but, equally, we need to take responsibility, set an example and ensure we have supports available for women in Ireland.