David Cullinane (Sinn Fein)

I will begin by reading a brief excerpt from the report of the tribunal because it highlights the cosy nature of the relationship between business and politics and the way politicians flouted and exhibited their influence. It is on page 165 of the report of the tribunal in the chapter entitled "The Leinster House Meeting".

Mr Gilmartin told the Tribunal that on a date in early February 1989, probably 1 February or possibly 2 February, he attended a meeting with a number of Government ministers and the then Taoiseach, Mr Charles J. Haughey in Leinster House.

Mr Gilmartin said that some short time prior to this meeting, at the end of January 1989, he received a telephone call from Mr Lawlor who informed him that 'his boss' (a reference to the Taoiseach) wished to meet him. Mr Gilmartin wrote the following references into his notebook for Wednesday 1 February 1989: '5:30 meeting with Ministers. At Dáil Eireann in (Leinster House)' and 'Meet Mr L. Lawlor at Buswells Hotel.'

Mr Gilmartin said he arranged to meet Mr Lawlor in Buswells Hotel on the day of the meeting. Arriving some 20 minutes late, Mr Lawlor beckoned to Mr Gilmartin, whereupon Mr Gilmartin followed Mr Lawlor through the open gates of Leinster House, and into the Dáil lobby.

Mr Gilmartin said that he then accompanied Mr Lawlor down a 'long hallway' towards a lift where they encountered Mr Ray Burke, the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, and the Minister for Communications. Mr Lawlor cursorily introduced Mr Gilmartin to Mr Burke who, while he acknowledged Mr Gilmartin, did not speak to him. Mr Lawlor and Mr Burke engaged in conversation in the lift. Exiting the lift on an upper floor, Mr Lawlor and Mr Gilmartin turned right and travelled along a gangway past partitioned offices on either side towards a lobby area. Mr Gilmartin described being ushered by Mr Lawlor into a room through dark oak double doors. Mr Lawlor remained outside as Mr Gilmartin entered the room.

Mr Gilmartin then proceeded to describe the actual meeting with a number of Government personnel. He stated that in the room there was a large rectangular table and that Mr Pádraig Flynn, Minister for the Environment, sat at the top left hand corner of the table. Beside Mr Flynn was Mr Albert Reynolds, Minister for Finance. Beside Mr Reynolds was a man whom Mr Gilmartin believed might have been Mr Gerard Collins, Minister for Justice. Seated at the right hand side of the table were Mr Bertie Ahern, Minister for Labour, Mr Brian Lenihan, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Mr Seamus Brennan, Minister of State at the Department of Industry and Commerce. Standing behind Mr Brennan was a man whom Mr Gilmartin did not recognise and to whom he was not introduced.

Mr Gilmartin then described how Mr Burke (whom he had met earlier in the lift with Mr Lawlor) entered the room through a door located in the middle of the room, followed by the Taoiseach, Mr Haughey. Mr Haughey proceeded to walk around the table to where Mr Gilmartin stood and after Mr Flynn's introduction Mr Haughey's first words to Mr Gilmartin were 'I know you, you're Gilmartin from Lislary.' Mr Haughey chatted to Mr Gilmartin about his two schemes (Bachelor's Walk and Quarryvale) and complimented him for bringing such schemes to Ireland at a time when jobs were desperately needed. Mr Gilmartin was given assurances by Mr Haughey that there would be no obstacles to his plans.

In the course of the conversation, Mr Gilmartin mentioned to Mr Haughey that he knew Mr Seán Haughey (the senior official with Dublin County Council). Mr Haughey had taken this be a reference to his son, Mr Seán Haughey, rather than to his brother, and had proceeded to tell Mr Gilmartin that his son was, or was about to become, Lord Mayor of Dublin, and encouraged Mr Gilmartin to call to the Mansion House. Mr Haughey ended his conversation with Mr Gilmartin by enquiring 'if Liam was taking good care of me'.

To many people, this sounds like a scene from "The Godfather" or a similar film. The potentially toxic way in which planning, politics and money colluded is clear from the way these men conducted themselves in the scene I have just outlined. The tribunal's conclusions, and its criticism of the political elite in the State, are damning. It stated that corruption in Irish political life was endemic and systemic. It affected every level of Government, from some holders of top ministerial office to some local councillors and its existence was widely know and widely tolerated. Corruption bred a culture of corruption; it was part of the way we were. Corruption, backhanders and brown envelops became acceptable, a normal way of winning political favour, of rezoning land for profit and of buying votes and influence. The golden circles of big business, speculators, bankers, financiers and developers, allied to a corrupt political elite, are not incidental to our current political and economic difficulties but are central to them.

It was in no one's interest to call a halt to the rapidly overheating housing market, other than those who ended up paying over the odds for their homes.

Political corruption is not a victimless crime. It has caused widespread social damage. The principal victims are Irish citizens, the people of this State. They have seen our economy destroyed by the property bubble and the economic crash. This is a direct result of the corrupt relationship between developers and politicians. In addition, working class communities, especially those in west Dublin, have been affected by the poor planning at the heart of this and are still living with its consequences. Corrupt planning allowed Dublin city to expand in an appallingly ill-planned way as property speculators and developers made big money. Whole communities were moved into badly built housing estates with few facilities.

The report has indicated clearly that a culture of political corruption existed in the 1980s and 1990s within the major establishment parties, but principally within Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil is attempting to wipe out its corrupt past. A former Taoiseach and a former senior Minister have jumped, disgraced, before they could be pushed. They would like us to believe that is all in the past and that this is a new era for Fianna Fáil. However, there are Members of these Houses who have questions to answer. Deputy Micheál Martin, who was a senior member of Mr. Bertie Ahern's Cabinet, and several of his Dáil colleagues have questions to answer regarding their actions at the time.

The report of the Mahon tribunal states that during 2007 and 2008, members of the Cabinet embarked on a sustained and virulent attack on the tribunal. They questioned not only the legality of the tribunal but the integrity of its members. Deputy Micheál Martin and others need to clarify their parts in these events. All that is required for evil to flourish is for good men to do nothing. Did members of the Cabinet look the other way and were they complicit in this orchestrated campaign against the tribunal?

If the citizens of this State are to regain their confidence in the political system and justify the major cost of the tribunal, which was alluded to by a Fianna Fáil Senator, the Government must implement Judge Mahon's recommendations. This is essential to combat corruption and ensure the planning process becomes more transparent and accessible and the citizens of this State are never again victims of the corruption that was endemic in the political establishment of this State.