Mary White (Carlow-Kilkenny, Green Party)

I am delighted to be in the Seanad to deliver this statement on the important issue of women in politics. The greater involvement of women in politics is an issue very close to my heart, as I know it is to the heart of every Member of this House, representatives of which were actively involved in the work of the sub-committee chaired by Deputy Kenneally last year. Senators Bacik and McDonald played a key role in its work.

On a personal level, I was the first female Deputy to be elected in the constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny since the foundation of the State. It took a couple of attempts and I had to dust myself down and start all over again to gain that seat. This is not easy for men or women to do.

I fully empathise with and pay tribute to all of the women candidates, successful and unsuccessful, of every party who have faced up to the challenge by engaging in Irish political life. Many women have given selflessly of their time to seek a seat in the Dáil or the Seanad or even engage in local politics. The sad thing is that all of their efforts are quickly forgotten and their talent may be wasted if they are not encouraged to try again.

It is useful in the first instance to refresh our memories about what is contained in the national women's strategy 2007 to 2016. This all of Government strategy aims to create "an Ireland where all women enjoy equality with men and can achieve their full potential, while enjoying a safe and fulfilling life". It identifies more than 200 actions as part of its 20 plus objectives.

The strategy has three key themes, namely, equalising socio-economic activity for women, ensuring the well-being of women and engaging women as equal and active citizens. It is the latter theme which is of most relevance to our discussion today. In respect of this theme alone, there are over 50 actions listed, some 13 of which relate to women in decision-making roles, whether in politics, on State boards, on boards in the private sector or in policy influencing positions in the public and private sectors.

Progress on implementation of the strategy is being overseen by a monitoring committee. In my new role as Minister of State with responsibility for equality, integration and human rights I will chair the monitoring committee. The Government reaffirmed its commitment to the strategy last year when it received the 2007-08 progress report. I will forward the 2009 report to the Government before the summer recess. I will also chair a sub-committee of the monitoring committee which will look at the advancement of women in politics and other decision-making roles. The new sub-committee will have its first meeting shortly and I expect the whole piece of work will take approximately one year to complete. However, this does not preclude all of the key players from considering the issues raised by the Oireachtas sub-committee and I, too, will take guidance from the document.

The national women's strategy is correct in identifying the political parties and their memberships as the key players in this area. This has been borne out in the recent research published by the Houses. Why is it so important that we work proactively on this matter of women and politics in Ireland? There are a number of good reasons. First, it makes good sense to ensure we have a fair and balanced society in all its facets. Second, for such a progressive country, we are lagging very far behind others in regard to the role of women in political decision making. Why has there been so little progress made to date? While we will all agree that this is a complex issue, it is, in part, about human behaviours and perceptions. It is a challenge with unpredictable outcomes. Will women vote for women candidates? Will men vote for women candidates? Is it about stereotypes and discrimination? If the answer is yes, how do we address them? Should we have quotas and enabling legislation? What has been done to achieve success elsewhere and how can we replicate it in Ireland? How do candidates come through the selection process in the first place? Are the potential women candidates reticent in seeking nominations? How do we modify the whole system in Ireland to make it more family-friendly and ensure Deputies and Senators, both male and female, can also have quality time with their families?

Many of these issues have been addressed in the research prepared by Senator Bacik for the sub-committee chaired by Deputy Kenneally. Some of them are being addressed by the Joint Committee on the Constitution which has been addressing the issue of electoral reform. In some of these challenges the Government can take the lead, while in others, it is a matter for the political parties to step up to the mark and recognise that Ireland has been "found wanting" in this regard. Women must be fostered and encouraged to participate more actively in political life. As Minister of State, I will actively pursue a body of work in the national women's strategy sub-committee in the coming year. I will listen very carefully to the views of Senators and assure them of my wholehearted commitment to this work. I am also mindful of the commitment given in the renewed programme for Government on the need to review the system of appointments to public bodies. The Government already monitors the number of women on State boards and there has been some progress towards meeting the 40% target but results vary a lot between sectors.

For more than 60 years the United Nations has fostered human rights, including gender equality, through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which affirms that "everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives". Some ten years later, in 1958, the Treaty of Rome established the European Economic Community and reaffirmed the principles of gender equality. We are all aware that Ireland's membership of the EEC coincided with a transformation of our society, as well as the economy.

The European Commission gathers and publishes comparative statistics on progress made towards gender equality in member states. These statistics show that, under most gender equality indicators, Ireland is better than or close to the EU average. However, there is one black spot when we compare Ireland with the rest of the European Union. We have made no measurable progress in women's active participation in elected political life in the past 15 years. Statistics show that women made up less than 14% of the Members of Dáil Éireann 15 years ago and they still make up less than 14% today. What does this mean? It means that in the Dáil there are six men to every woman. In the Seanad the ratio is somewhat better, at approximately 20%. However, it still means there are four men to every woman in this House. In the past 15 years the rate of female representation has increased significantly in almost every other EU member state. The average participation rate for women elected to the Lower House in the EU 27 was 16% in the mid-1990s and has now increased to 24%. Therefore, Ireland is more than ten percentage points behind the EU average. In seven member states the level of female representation in the Lower House exceeds 30%, the high point being 46% in Sweden. A further eight member states now fall between 20% and 30%.

Increases over the period vary from country to country but appear to average out at about seven percentage points. Overall, there are now 550 additional female deputies in member state Parliaments, an increase approaching 50%. In the same period, the number of female parliamentarians in Ireland did not increase.

International experts recommend that there should be a critical mass of at least 30% of each sex to ensure the views of women are adequately reflected in the political arena. Both the United Nations and Council of Europe urge countries to work towards a representation level of at least 40% for each gender to achieve what is known as parity democracy. The increased engagement of women in politics is a very complex issue. It is also an all-party issue as well as a Government issue. In discussing the topic today we need to move beyond party politics to achieve joined up thinking in an attempt to address these complexities and achieve the goal to which we are committed.

Until now, none of the political parties has adequately addressed this issue. A review of the numbers of candidates put forward in our most recent general elections showed that the six main political parties offered the electorate almost 300 male candidates and fewer than 70 female candidates. The female candidates were closely spread between the parties, showing that the larger parties had relatively smaller numbers of women candidates. In a number of constituencies, there was no female candidate.

I re-emphasise, however, that the issue of women and politics is complex. Is it the case that politically active women choose to align themselves with smaller parties? Do they feel more empathy with smaller parties? Are they welcomed more easily into smaller parties? Can they make their mark more easily in smaller parties?

On the larger parties, is it the case that the very size of these parties creates a more competitive environment in which a women has to fight to achieve a nomination? Do the nomination procedures still favour one sex over the other? Are the parties actively seeking new members from among women? Do they accept the benefits of having more balanced membership?

Speaking personally for a moment, in the Green Party we encourage the whole membership to be involved in the selection of officers, making the leadership and officership posts open to all party members. To raise another matter, is there a body of women who are willing to participate? In posing these questions I do not yet have definitive answers. I am hopeful the work which will be done under the aegis of the national women's strategy will build upon previous work and complement work which the political parties are duty-bound to address as a matter of urgency.

Multilateral organisations strongly foster what they describe as parity democracy. They believe the balanced participation of women and men in political and public decision making is a matter of the full enjoyment of human rights and makes for the better functioning of a democracy. The United Nations, Council of Europe and European Union have all taken clear positions on this matter and are united in their thinking. All parties to the UN agreed in 1995 and in the context of the Fourth World Summit on Women and the Beijing platform for action that "the engagement of women in politics and decision-making positions in Government and legislative bodies contributes to redefining political priorities, placing new items on the political agenda that reflect and address women's gender-specific concerns, values and experiences and providing new perspectives on mainstream political issues".

The Council of Ministers of the Council of Europe issued a recommendation on women and politics in 2003 in which it wisely noted that "democracy can no longer afford to ignore the competence, skills and creativity of women but must become gender sensitive and include women with different backgrounds and of different age groups in political and public decision making at all levels". The European Commission works proactively with member states to review implementation across the European Union of the commitments made to the United Nations at the Beijing summit. This results in the European Council making recommendations to member states and other stakeholders to ensure the European Union addresses deficits in gender equality.

One matter on which there is widespread agreement is that this is a multifaceted issue. European Union Ministers agreed in 2007 that all governments, political parties and social partners should be encouraged to develop further and implement effective measures for increasing women's engagement and participation in politics and decision making and suggest the introduction of training and mentoring schemes and the exploration of other initiatives.

The Council of Ministers of the Council of Europe recommends that governments make a public commitment to equal sharing of decision making powers between women and men. It recommends that this could be achieved by reviewing current legislation and practice, promoting special measures to stimulate and support women's will to participate in political life and considering the establishment of time bound targets to reach balanced participation. In making these recommendations, the Council extends the list of stakeholders even further, recommending the involvement of national parliaments, local and regional authorities, political parties, civil service, public and semi-public organisations, enterprises, trade unions, employers' organisations and non-governmental organisations. These are all key players who are positioned to influence thinking and encourage women to take a more active role in the political field. I am sure everyone in this and the Other House would like us to find ways to address the imbalances which we now have.

The European Commission also made a useful contribution to the analysis of the difficulties in a research publication completed approximately one year ago. Writing in the foreword, the then EU Commissioner for Equality, Employment and Social Affairs, Mr. Vladimir Spidla, noted that:

equal representation of women and men in positions of power is a precondition for truly effective and accountable democracy and lasting economic prosperity. With more women involved, political debate will be wider in scope and more relevant to a greater number.

This research publication by the Commission looks at election results and the behaviours of political parties. It notes first that male candidates have a better chance than female candidates of being elected. The researchers estimate that it would be necessary to skew the numbers of women on the ticket to 63% to achieve parity. Consideration of this finding leads me to believe that the position may alter over time, as an increase in the numbers of serving female Deputies is bound to raise further the profile of women as able and active politicians and overcome stereotypes on the part of the electorate.

The Commission sponsored research notes that while quotas can bring about rapid change, their success is not guaranteed. There is evidence to support this position based on experiences in a couple of member states. Not all electoral systems are suitable for a quota approach and I know from speaking to colleagues across party lines and from media reports as well as a lively debate in my own party that there are mixed views on the use of quotas in Ireland, even among the most committed of politicians - female and male.

This research from the Commission also makes a number of points about the role of political parties. It notes that the main aim of each political party is to maximise its outcome in terms of seats won. As a result, candidate selection is linked to electability or electoral appeal.

Afurther factor identified in the Commission research is the relatively low turnover of opportunities to enter into representational politics. The report notes that many serving politicians view politics as a long-term career choice and are, therefore, more likely to seek re-election, leaving few openings for newcomers. Again, the desire to maximise seats leads parties to select the incumbent, he or she being relatively high profile and well known and, therefore, the candidate of choice.

I note the excellent report published by the Houses of the Oireachtas last year identifies many of the issues to which I have referred. The report identifies five barriers to women's participation. Known as the "five Cs", these are child care, cash, confidence, culture and candidate selection procedures. To an extent, we have tried to address the child care issue through the establishment of a crèche in Leinster House. However, the political establishment in Ireland is not structured in a very family friendly manner. This impacts on men as Members and fathers and women as Members and mothers.

Neither must we forget the large number of women and men who play the role of principal carer for the Deputy or Senator's family back home in the constituency. This is particularly difficult for rural Deputies who have to spend a number of nights each week in Dublin. I understand the German system is structured in such a way that Members have the opportunity to spend one full week in every four at their home base during the political year. They also have a shorter summer break. Perhaps this is something we should examine in the future.

We need to review further issues such as cash, culture and candidate selection procedures and learn from good practice in other countries. The joint committee has been looking at the issue of electoral reform. In approaching my work on women and politics I will be reading all the evidence gathered with great interest.

We are all aware that the legendary electioneering process in Ireland involves tales of pint buying, hand shaking, funeral attendance and baby kissing. Perhaps we should investigate whether our colleagues in other jurisdictions have found better ways to endear themselves to their electorate which do not cost large sums of money. Any change here would ensure the Irish electoral battlefield would not require candidates to have access to a pocket full of cash but talent. Irish women underplay their achievements and many talents. The Irish population, male and female, is probably among the most politically aware in the world. Every Irish man and woman has an interest in and an opinion on policy matters as diverse as NAMA, volcanic ash, the health service and the state of the public purse.

As Minister of State with responsibility for equality, I am more than happy to drive forward this agenda from the Government's perspective. However, it is not a matter which rests solely with the Government. It falls also to the political parties which must recognise the important role they can play in attracting and fostering new members, especially new women members, to ensure our political decision making remains well informed, well balanced and inclusive. This is a matter which falls to educationists who must foster awareness among young people of good citizenship and the need for high quality, well educated public servants and public representatives. It is a matter which falls to men who must recognise that the time has come to share power in a more equitable manner and help to nurture daughters, female colleagues and friends who have the talents and skills to serve their country as they have done. It is also one for the women of Ireland who need to show more confidence in their own talents and abilities and recognise that they too have a significant contribution to make to public life through active participation and, in the words of the national women's strategy, engaging as equal and active citizens.

I thank the House for giving me the opportunity to make this statement. I look forward to hearing the views of Senators.