Dan Boyle (Green Party)

The Bill, while small in scale, has a particular importance for re-affirming the Government's and country's attitude towards its involvement in foreign affairs, international and national defence. It was a key component in the recent debate in terms of the second referendum on the Lisbon treaty. It is important that the promises made on the introduction of the Bill and in today's debate match the expectations of many, although there are alternative views on where this country should position itself in these areas. The overwhelming view of the majority of the Irish people and the Government which is reinforced by the Bill is that Ireland does not want to be associated with or participate in the use of force to achieve political ends. The opposite is the case - this is a nation that uses its expertise in peacekeeping and conflict resolution. This has attained particular importance in recent years because of European Union treaties that have led to the fading away of the Western European Union and the development of the European Defence Agency. This creates potential conflicts for countries with a neutral status such Ireland. In a European Union of 27 member states, many of which are involved in a military alliance in the form of NATO, how this development might conflict with the foreign policy and defence needs of Ireland must be articulated and enshrined in legislation. We hold one advantage in that our neutral status is shared by a number of other EU member states, including Finland, Sweden, Austria and Malta. We need an ongoing detailed debate on the nature and quality of neutrality. It has often been argued that our definition and that of other member states differ wildly. For instance, a former Finnish Prime Minister went so far as to say he no longer considered Finland to be neutral but a non-aligned country. That debate takes place regularly in Finland.

The role of the European Defence Agency and Ireland's involvement or otherwise in it, with the necessary distance Ireland, as a participating country in the European Union, needs in engaging with the agency, must be addressed in legislation. I, therefore, welcome the publication and content of the Bill and recognise the role in coalition Government that has given rise to its genesis and, I hope, eventual implementation. While the European Defence Agency, in my opinion and that of the Green Party, complements what many European Union member states see as an important part of foreign and defence policies, it unnecessarily complicates such policies for Ireland which is involved in Partnership for Peace actions and with other member states in many UN peacekeeping missions. In recent times there was a successful EU mission to Chad.

Ireland has a history of being colonised. Our involvement with the international grouping of the European Union, some of whose member states have a certain history and approach to defence matters, has been governed by the fact that they have been colonising powers. The use of force to achieve political ends, even in the 20th century, is something we have seen too frequently in Europe. The danger in the European Defence Agency and the reason we need to keep our distance from and interact with it to the smallest degree possible is that for some defence equipment procurement and the development of a war economy, in which weapons can be produced and sold, are seen as a viable economic basis of the European Union. This must be questioned. We need to say the thinking behind the Agency is not in keeping with our definition of what "defence" means as a neutral country. That said, there are useful and important roles in defence equipment procurement and the standardisation of the equipment that can be used for specific means, particularly in international peacekeeping operations. As we opt in and out of peacekeeping operations, particularly where there is an EU mandate, there is a need for effective interoperability. We must achieve this balance.

We have chosen neutrality and I hope the country chooses to maintain it. Therefore, we have a special need for legislation such as this, although there has been a reaction against this in the past. It has been said constitutional provisions, such as they are, and ongoing Government policy are sufficient barriers to prevent us from going too far down the road that we would be compromised, with many citizens uncomfortable about the direction we are taking.

The Bill is important. Its provisions will go a long way towards reaffirming our traditional policy of neutrality. This will give great confidence to the citizens to ensure that as we fulfil our international obligations in peacekeeping, we will not be drawn into a situation where we will become a belligerent in a global context in meeting the resource needs of this part of the world. On those grounds, I welcome the Bill and look forward to the continuing detailed debate on the wider issue of neutrality and how it can be made more firm in the public consciousness through whatever legal and constitutional means are necessary to meet the ongoing belief of the Irish people.