Paschal Donohoe (Fine Gael)

I thank the Minister of State for attending the debate and my colleagues for their kind words about my role in the sub-committee. I was deeply honoured to have the opportunity to do the work and was privileged, not only to be chosen for the role by my party leader, but to have the report debated in both Houses. I place on record my deep gratitude for the work done by all members of the sub-committee. Their level of commitment to and intensity in discharging their work was marvellous. We were wonderfully supported and enabled by a secretariat and staff whose commitment to our work was second to none. I take this opportunity to add my appreciation to that of my colleagues regarding the secretariat's work.

I will focus on the report's two main points. I also will focus on an assessment of our current position and of where our country needs to move. Regarding the current attitude harboured by many on the "Yes" side, there is a lack of confidence in those who would seek to progress the issue and to articulate their reasons for doing so publicly. People such as myself and others who argued for the Lisbon treaty were beaten fairly and squarely, but losing elections, arguments and referendums is part of what politics is all about. Our desire to return to the fray and to ask the people to vote again is not a subversion of politics or an attempt to circumvent the will of the people, rather it is what parliamentary politics is all about.

The people spelled out their rejection of the Lisbon treaty. Their reasons were legitimate and acceptable because the people are sovereign. However, my role in the process is not diminished or challenged by my willingness as a politician to spell out the decision's consequences and to ask the people to speak again. We need more confidence in asserting our role, a necessity spelled out in the report.

Four of the sub-committee's terms of reference were important and we focused on a number of areas. Of most relevance to this debate is the question of where our country stands now in the short term and the long term. I wish to read into the record of the House the conclusion reached by the majority of the sub-committee's members in adopting the report. We stated:

It is legally possible for the Union to stand still and operate into the future on the basis of current treaties and institutional arrangements. However, given the overwhelming desire among Member States for reform of the Union's structures in a manner such as that envisaged in the Lisbon Treaty, this is considered unlikely. It is more likely that a mechanism will be developed by other Member States which allows them to proceed with a process of further integration which excludes Ireland. This would lead to a two-tier Europe with Ireland on the political and economic periphery. Such a scenario would have a devastating effect on Ireland's political influence, economic prospects and international standing.

By making this statement, I am not seeking to bully or scare anyone, I am simply stating a fact, namely, that member states know that the challenges facing each nation state are greater than any one nation state, no matter how large, can handle on its own. They recognise that working together more efficiently is the way to address the situation.

Ireland must accept that the European model of development — democracy supported by a free market economy that recognises individuals' human rights — is being challenged by other models and by events in Asia and the east of the Continent. Europe's share of the global population and the world economy is declining. We must find ways to punch above our weight. The Lisbon treaty represents the best way for the EU to tackle this issue. The sub-committee's report also points out that if we continue not to ratify the treaty, which is our democratic right, there is a strong possibility that other member states can find legal ways to move ahead without us. The consequences of this for Ireland would be very damaging.

In the context of where matters stand — I say this in sorrow rather than anger — I am extremely concerned that the mistakes made by those on the "Yes" side during the referendum campaign are being repeated. I point to two factors in this regard and I will address my comments to the Minister of State in particular in respect of them. The first factor is the Government's relationship with other political parties, particularly those on the "Yes" side. It is a fact that every European Union ambassador, Foreign Minister or Prime Minister knows what Ireland wants. However, it is also a fact that the leader of my party, Deputy Kenny, and, I believe, the leader of the Labour Party, do not know what is the Government's negotiating position or what it is seeking to deliver in detail.

While the Minister of State will need the agreement of other member states to support a new arrangement, he will also need the support of the other political parties in Ireland to deliver on that arrangement. Fine Gael has raised the issue of the opt-outs in justice and home affairs and the Labour Party has raised that of workers' rights.