Jim Walsh (Fianna Fail)

The sub-committee's first report dealt with the 17 May 1974, when bombs went off in the centre of Dublin city at 5.30 p.m. The victims included Patrick Askin, 44 years of age; Josie Bradley, 21; Marie Butler, 21; Anne Byrne, 35; Thomas Campbell, 52; Simone Chetrit, 30, a French citizen; Thomas Croarkin, 36; John Dargle, 80; Concepta Dempsey, 65; Collette Doherty, 21, who ran a shop in Sheriff Street with her husband John, was nine months pregnant at the time but her daughter, Wendy, who was with her survived the blast in Talbot Street; Patrick Fay, 47; Elizabeth Fitzgerald, 59; Breda Grace, 35, recovering from the 'flu had been encouraged by her husband Tim to get a respite, parked her car on Talbot Street and was killed on the way back to it; Archie Harper, 73; Antonio Magliocco, 37, Italian citizen; May McKenna, 55; Anne Marren, 20; Anna Massey, 21; Dorothy Morris, 57; the O'Brien family, John and Anna O'Brien, 24 and 22, respectively, and their daughters Jacqueline, 17 months, and Anne-Marie, five months, who lived in Gardiner Street and were originally from Finglas. John worked in the Palm Grove ice-pop factory, and the entire family was wiped out in the Parnell Street explosion; Christina O'Loughlin, 51; Edward John O'Neill, 39, and baby Martha O'Neill, who was stillborn; Marie Phelan, 20; Siobhán Roice, 19, who was from Thomas Street in Wexford and, like many young people, was dreaming of what future years would bring. She was in the prime of life and had everything to look forward to, but her life was cruelly snuffed out in the explosion; Maureen Shields, 46; Jack Travers, 28; Breda Turner, 21; John Walshe, 27; Peggy White, 45; and George Williamson, 72. This is just a list of those killed in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.

The sadness and sense of loss felt by the victims' relatives were very much in evidence when they appeared before the committee, and were as raw and as hurtful as they had been some 34 years ago. This was compounded by the criminal investigation, which left a lot to be desired and was closed down after four months. They were then neglected and forgotten by successive Governments, and it can truly be said this State failed them. They were only sustained in their anguish by the NGOs, particularly Justice for the Forgotten, which campaigned and worked tirelessly to keep the issue to the forefront and researched and gathered much useful data for which the committee and the Barron inquiry were grateful. It is a pity the group was unaware of the debate taking place today as I know they would have wished to attend.

The first breakthrough for the families was when they met the current Taoiseach in the late 1990s and he agreed to take a personal interest in the matter. In 2000 the Government established an independent commission of inquiry under Mr. Justice Barron which investigated the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. Among its recommendations was the establishment of a commission of investigation to inquire into aspects of the Garda investigation and document handling by the Department and the Garda. That commission was subsequently established under Patrick McEntee, who has reported to the Government and there are certain issues arising from this.

It is worthwhile to refer briefly to the recommendations made by the sub-committee and subsequently endorsed by the then Joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights. The sub-committee stated that "a Public Tribunal of Inquiry in Northern Ireland and/or Great Britain is required and represents the best opportunity to be successful." This is because the relevant documentation was in Northern Ireland and Great Britain and an inquiry in this State would not have had access to this. The sub-committee also stated in its recommendations:

Before any Inquiry would proceed the Sub-Committee is of the view that what is required in the first instance, is an investigation based upon the Weston Park proposals. The terms of reference should be agreed between the two Governments and should be based upon the terms agreed at Weston Park, in particular paragraph No. 19.

Finally, the recommendations state, "The Sub-Committee recommends that a resolution of both Houses of the Oireachtas be passed endorsing this Report and its recommendations, and would invite the UK Parliament in Westminster to pass a similar resolution." This report is dated March 2004. It is a serious indictment of these Houses that four years later, no such resolution has been put before the Houses, passed or endorsed. While the individual reports have been debated previously, this is the first overall debate on these issues. I hope this omission on the part of the Houses will be corrected in the not-too-distant future.

The second report of the sub-committee dealt with the Dublin bombings of December 1972 and January 1973, the bombings in Belturbet in December 1972, and the murders of Bríd Carr, 26, on the Lifford-Strabane road in November 1971 and of Oliver Boyce, 25, and Bríd Porter, 21, in Burnfoot in January 1973. The victims of these atrocities also included George Bradshaw, 30; Tommy Duffy, 24; Tommy Douglas, 21; Geraldine O'Reilly, 15; and Patrick Stanley, 16. The issue of collusion was very much in focus with regard to various aspects of these murders.

The third report dealt with the murder of Seamus Ludlow on 2 May 1976. In its findings, the committee recommended inter alia that a historic inquiries team be established in this jurisdiction and that a commission of investigation be established to examine certain outstanding questions to do with the Ludlow case.

The fourth report dealt with nine atrocities: the bombing of Kay's Tavern in Dundalk in December 1975, the bombing in Castleblayney in March 1976, the bombing of Dublin Airport in November 1975, the attack at Donnelly's Bar, Silverbridge, in December 1975, the attack on the Reavey family in January 1976, the attack on the Step Inn, Keady, in August 1976, the attack on the O'Dowd family in January 1976, the atrocity at the Rock Bar in County Armagh in June 1976, and the attack on the Miami Showband on 31 July 1975.

For the record, it is worth acknowledging the victims of these atrocities: John Francis Hayes, 38; Jack Rooney, 62; Hugh Watters, 60; Patrick Mone, 56; Patrick Donnelly, 24; Michael Donnelly, 14; Trevor Brecknell, 32; Betty McDonald, 38; Gerald McGleenan, 22; and John Martin, Brian and Anthony Reavey. I recommend to those who might not have followed the hearings closely that they read the evidence of Eugene Reavey, the brother of the latter three victims, at the various hearings. They will then understand the manner in which the families were treated, particularly by the British Army. That family lived very close to the Glenanne farm owned by James Mitchell, who was a reserve member of the RUC. It was common knowledge that the RUC frequented the farm, and it was from that farm that the Dublin and Monaghan bombings were planned. It is disgraceful that no action was ever taken with regard to the people involved. The list of victims continues with Barry O'Dowd, 24; Declan O'Dowd, 19; Joe O'Dowd, 61; Francis O'Toole, 29; Anthony Geraghty, 23; Brian McCoy, 33; and Francis O'Toole. The latter three were members of the Miami Showband who were slaughtered coming back from a dance in Northern Ireland. Anybody who has read the book on this subject or heard the evidence will know that there was strong suspicion that the paramilitary unit that carried out the attack was controlled by a person with an English accent, in all probability a member of the British Army.

With regard to the latest report, it is essential that we refer to the conclusions and recommendations of the committee. As we went along it became obvious to us that there was significant collusion at various levels within the British establishment, not just at police and British Army level but higher. What happened could not have happened without either the tacit approval or the knowledge of persons in the Northern Ireland Office and in Whitehall itself. Evidence was presented at the committee that former Prime Minister Harold Wilson, in documentation, gave a briefing for the then leader of the Opposition, Margaret Thatcher, informing her of the situation with regard to security forces in the North and the extent to which they had been infiltrated by paramilitaries. Thus, it was common knowledge that this was happening. The sub-committee stated in its conclusions:

The Sub-Committee is left in no doubt that collusion between the British security forces and terrorists was behind many if not all of the atrocities that are considered in this report. We are horrified that persons who were employed by the British administration to preserve peace and to protect people were engaged in the creation of violence and the butchering of innocent victims. The Sub-Committee believes that unless the full truth about collusion is established and those involved either admit or are fixed with responsibility then there cannot be closure for the families.

I was going to read into the record the comments of the Taoiseach, who has been highly critical of the failure to get co-operation from the British side on this, but will not do so because they are already on record in the Dáil. I must compliment the leader of the Opposition who was equally forceful in his comments on what needs to be done. Deputy Joe Costello, who was a member of the sub-committee, set out an approach that should be taken from here. It is also worth noting the comments of Deputy Seán Ardagh who is Chairman of the sub-committee.