Lisa McDonald (Fianna Fail)

There is a tendency on the part of Opposition parties to conjure up a crime crisis following a spate of individual murders, despite the fact that there is no statistical basis for so doing. The Fine Gael Party recently called for the Army to be drafted in to deal with crime. In reality, however, this year's homicide rate is lower than that which obtained last year, with some deaths resulting from personal problems as opposed to gangland criminality.

To deal with crime, we must first consider its causes and show how Ireland reached this point. Statistics show that in comparison with the EU average, the homicide rate in Ireland was quite low until approximately ten years ago. The increase since then, which is to be deeply regretted, unfortunately represents Ireland coming into line with the international norm. The improving economy has led to an explosion in the demand for drugs. With financial incentives so high, it is little wonder that gangs are so willing to kill each other's members in order to protect their lucrative empires.

When former British Prime Minister Tony Blair stated that his Government wanted to be tough on crime and the causes of crime, he was accused of uttering a soundite. However, his approach was essentially sound. In a way, the phrase he used hides more than it reveals. We know the nature of the law but we do not know what are the causes of crime because these are extremely complex.

How is it that the murder rate in Ireland is running at a multiple of what it was in the 1960s? In material terms we are better off. Nevertheless, we cannot overlook the fact that young men in general and both men and women from certain socially deprived areas and groups are still over-represented in our prisons. This suggests a link between relative social disadvantage and crime. However, there is a difference between a link and a cause. How is it that some people brought up in almost identical circumstances and environments — even members of the same families — can go on to lead worthwhile lives while others become involved in lives of crime? There is a danger in over-emphasising social factors as if to absolve people of responsibility for their actions.

The unfortunate truth that in many cases victims suffer from disadvantages similar to those suffered by the perpetrators of crime. That said, the Government must be conscious that a range of decisions we make on social issues can have an effect, which is why I congratulate the Minister in his previous role as Minister for State for putting an approach to youth justice issues on a formal footing. With the implementation of the Children Act and, in particular, the establishment of the new youth justice service, the proper structures are at last in place to deal with young people. The programme for Government is committed to doubling the number of Garda youth diversion projects. The SAFE project in my home town of Wexford works very well and, in a low-key way, keeps young people out of trouble.

I also welcome the Minister's decision to ensure the probation and welfare service is resourced and restructured in the context of the full implementation of the Children Act. Investment in this area will come back to benefit us. It will help prevent young people throwing their lives away and becoming involved in serious crime.

In respect of the wider criminal justice, I would encourage the Minister to look at the following issue. The new organised crime unit within the Garda Síochána has enjoyed significant success in the past two years but more resources and manpower must be put into targeting minor criminals and drug dealers. In 2005, which is the last year for which figures are available, out of over 80 criminals brought before the courts who were eligible for the ten-year term, just ten received the mandatory sentence for having been found with drugs worth over €13,000. If the full term had been handed down by the courts, it might have been used as the disincentive it was intended to be. I welcome the advancement of investment in our prison service because this will assist in tackling this serious problem.

It would be remiss of me not to deal with the recent call by Fine Gael to send in the Army. This is a classic panic reaction that does no justice to politics. First, the Army has no powers of arrest so even if soldiers witnessed a crime, they would have no power to stop it. Second, the Army has no training in policing. Lastly, such a measure would give the impression both home and abroad that the State has lost control.

I support the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform in his commitment to develop partnerships with the communities as a mainstay to tackling crime. The new joint policing committees are providing a forum for local councillors, gardaí, Members of the Oireachtas and interest groups who can consult, discuss and make recommendations on a matter affecting policing in local areas. No doubt anti-social behaviour will feature considerably in these committees. These people, who make misery for their neighbours, must be tackled effectively. I note the Minister's Department is looking at the question of community payback and restorative justice and I urge him to explore how we could make more direct connections between the offence and reparation to the community affected by the criminal.

Another way of underpinning partnership with the community is through the expansion of the Garda CCTV scheme. This can play an important role in supporting the work of gardaí and deterring criminal and anti-social behaviour. CCTV is not an alternative to gardaí on frontline duty but it can act as an effective aid. The community CCTV scheme has added benefit for local areas which have it so I urge the Minister to roll it out as soon as possible in all the major towns and villages in Ireland. Some say CCTV represents an intrusion of privacy but it is more in the mould of a benign and sensible Big Brother.

There can be no doubt that gangland activity poses a clear and present danger. Such activities are almost inextricably linked to the market in illegal drugs. As a society, we must address the demand for illicit drugs. There has been considerable debate on this so I will not go into it.

There is no point in underestimating the difficulties gardaí face in trying to bring killings to an end. They have launched and will continue to launch and undertake countless operations aimed at saving the lives of those involved. They get no help from the people they are trying to protect and when the killings take place, they can get no co-operation either.

To condemn these killings as, in some way, representing a failure on the part of the Garda or the Government flies in the face of the harsh realities involved. It is no consolation that these killings take place among members of the criminal fraternity. To take that view would be to share their disregard and lack of respect for human life. Tragically, their activities have also spilled out into the law-abiding community.

The fight against these gangs will be long and relentless. I am satisfied the Government is providing the Garda with the resources described by the Minister today and will continue to do so. I also understand that the Garda Commissioner has been assured by the Minister that there is no limit to the funding available under the witness protection programme.

Criminal law and its reform are living things and must take account of the constantly evolving nature of our society. That said, I am enthusiastic about the series of measures contained in the programme for Government and commend the Minister on his calm and reasoned handling of his brief since he came to office.