Rónán Mullen (Independent)

I welcome the Bill, which seeks to give legal underpinning to some of the climate protection aims set out in the programme for Government and the national climate change strategy.

Nobody now doubts the importance of promoting a culture of responsibility where climate change is concerned. It would be wrong, however, to see legislation as the only or even main way to promote this culture of responsibility nationally and worldwide. It is at the level of people's attitudes where this problem will ultimately be solved, as all of us take responsibility for assuring the future happiness and prosperity of people on Earth.

It is also important that we continue to debate in an open and fair way all the issues relating to climate change, not least the question of whether global warming is a man-made phenomenon or if it is down to climatic changes beyond our control. A consensus appears to have emerged that global warming is due to increased emissions of greenhouse gases caused by industry worldwide. Even if there were not such a consensus, it would be the responsibility of the human race to take action to minimise the extent to which we contribute to negative climatic change.

It could be stated that if worldwide emissions are responsible for increasing temperatures, fixing this should not so much be our national priority but a priority for China, the world's greatest polluter, and America, which comes a close second. Even Britain's emissions make up only a fiftieth of the total. As Richard Waghorne wrote recently in the Irish Daily Mail, arranging Irish emissions on an imaginary 24-hour clock would leave our contribution as the last seven seconds before midnight. That, however, is not an excuse for us not to take the lead. We are part of a wider European Union effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to 20% below 1990 levels by 2020 and so on. It appears that the greater contribution for Ireland to make would be in the promotion of alternative, cleaner and greener sources of energy. The country should promote a culture of solidarity with those countries and people most affected by such climate change as is inevitable.

We must increase the use of renewables. Ireland has the best wind resources in the EU, along with significant potential for tidal and wave power. We should ease planning and grid connection for renewables and micro-renewables, such as domestic solar panels and micro-turbines. There have been recent positive developments announced in that regard. We should raise building standards to ensure maximum energy efficiency in new builds. The inclusion of mandatory solar water heating in all new houses, increased investment in public transport and the restructuring of vehicle tax and VRT to incentivise the purchase of low-emission vehicles all form part of the solution. Perhaps some of these issues should be included in any forthcoming legislation for climate protection.

Regardless of our efforts to control our emissions, we must prepare for the impact of climate change on ourselves and others. A co-ordinated and cross-Government approach is required. Particular vulnerabilities will include increased flooding and tidal inundation, drought and water stress, along with coastal erosion through sea level rises. Current planning must take future vulnerabilities into account. These include migration control and our vulnerability to global shocks in the world economy, which will need to be addressed. Climate change is likely to lead to more frequent catastrophes, such as mass population shifts, resource conflicts, water wars and so on. The world's poorest countries and populations will need increased assistance to deal with climate change, as they are the most vulnerable and least resilient to adverse effects.

Turning to some of the specifics of the Bill, I would question the provisions of section 3(1), which sets targets for greenhouse gas emissions for 2010 specifically. The figure in the national climate change strategy is a projection based on adoption of certain measures, rather than a target. It is an annual average for 2008 to 2012 rather than a specific year. I am also concerned about provisions making the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government responsible for meeting the above targets. I would question if this will ensure the necessary buy-in from all Departments, specifically the Departments of Enterprise, Trade and Employment and Transport. Would it be better if the Taoiseach held responsibility in this regard?

The provision in section 5(3) is odd and I have difficulty with the idea that a Minister would face a motion of no confidence before the Oireachtas in the event that emissions exceeded the national annual target figure by 10% in a particular year. This is a matter for the hurly-burly of parliamentary life and legislative provision should not be made in respect of it. I am struck by the odd fact that a majority party in Government might be happy to have a Minister representing one of its minority partners take the flak.