Don Lydon (Fianna Fail)

It gives me great pleasure to second the amendment. It is an interesting motion but I wonder what it is meant to achieve. I believe it is an attempt to embarrass the Government but in that respect it fails because successive Governments have pursued an ethical foreign policy.

When Liam Cosgrave addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations he had to deal with two major events, namely the Suez invasion and the invasion of Hungary. The former demonstrated that old empires could no longer expect to ride roughshod over the interests of sovereign states and the latter exposed the ruthless brutality of a new form of tyranny. Over 30 years were to pass before Hungary was to finally regain its freedom. Liam Cosgrave made it crystal clear how Ireland felt about these actions, both of which underlined the volatility of international relations at the time.

A year later Frank Aiken reminded the General Assembly that another world war, whatever its cause, would neither democratise nor communise the world but annihilate it. Ireland became dedicated to the reduction of international tensions and, in particular, to arms control. Our efforts eventually bore fruit in the shape of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty.

As Senator Mooney said, we had not long been a member of the United Nations when we sent military observers into the Middle East and the Congo and we have since sent both the Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces into many places to serve under the United Nations flag. We were committed to such work and our special contribution to the cause of peace continues today in Liberia and other countries.

Foreign policy is set by Governments and Ministers but is carried out by diplomats. I pay tribute to our outstanding diplomats, past and present. Two in particular stand out, namely Freddie Boland, who was once president of the General Assembly, and the evergreen Conor Cruise O'Brien. A modern historian has concluded that Ireland's independent role at the United Nations in that era was planned far in advance, thoroughly reviewed by Irish diplomats, professionally implemented and ardently defended. Government and diplomatic service, therefore, worked together closely in establishing a tradition of well-considered support for effective multilateralism which has been a central feature of Ireland's foreign policy under successive Governments ever since.

As part of our aid programme we are committed to reaching the overseas development assistance target of 0.7% by 2012. The Government agencies' aid programme does not belong to the Government but to the people, who fund it through taxes, and Irish Aid is making a real difference to the lives of many thousands of people every day. While this work is carried out on behalf of the Irish public and with their money, it seems that many people are not aware of its extent.

We know from our long experience of peace-building and our recent term on the UN Security Council that where there is conflict, especially internal conflict, it is not enough to end the fighting. Preventing a return to fighting requires a strengthening of institutions, the reintegration of fighters into society and a reasonable prospect of social and economic progress. Yet the countries in question with weak institutions or none are those least likely to attract development funding and are most likely to once again fall into conflict. When we held the European Presidency we agreed with our European partners that there was a gap in the UN system and that the EU should propose to the high-level panel the creation of a political body to mobilise and co-ordinate resources to keep fragile states from reverting to conflict or falling into it in the first place.

Three key challenges face the world, which govern our foreign policy to a large extent. One is the achievement of sustainable development and the elimination of poverty and disease. The second is the promotion of universal human rights and the rule of law and the third is to ensure security, prevent conflict and end war. Our overseas aid target of 0.7% of gross national income by 2012 is three years ahead of the schedule of the European Union. We have published a White Paper clearly setting out our objectives in the context of the millennium development goals, with a special focus on Africa, poverty reduction, tackling hunger and HIV/AIDS.

There can be no lasting development or security without full respect for human rights. The human rights of the most vulnerable are especially important. I strongly welcome the recent conclusion of negotiations on the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. However, human rights are no use if they are written down but not adhered to. An earlier speaker mentioned China, with whom we do business. It is a huge market but is responsible for terrible abuses of human rights. Some of the Senators who tabled the motion may query whether we should do business with a country that abuses people by, as Senator O'Toole said, cutting out their organs to sell, even if we make billions out of it. It has a one-child policy, among other things.

One of the challenges of foreign policy, even an ethical one, is to achieve the best we can in sometimes difficult situations, hoping that by doing business we can get people to see things our way, the democratic way, or to work more closely with the UN. Senator Mooney mentioned the ASEAN conference, one of which I attended in Vietnam two or three years ago. The case of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, or Myanmar, came up and I, along with many others, called for her to be released. It is only by constant pressure, however, that these things can be achieved.

On peace and security, Senator Mooney mentioned the peace-building commission. It must be properly resourced and we have committed €10 million to the fund. The single most important issue facing us is the Middle East and the dreadful events that happen there time and time again. We can blame whomever we like, and I know who that would be if were given the chance, but we must always consider what we can do to heal the situation. Ireland strongly supports the efforts to create a national unity government in Palestine and the Government has committed to a peace process reflecting the Quartet principles.

The international community must also be generous in its response. We acknowledge Israel's absolute right to exist in peace and security, which should be unchallenged. Not least in its own interest, however, Israel must engage seriously and openly with Palestinians. It must cease all activities, in particular the expansion of settlements, which are against international law and make a lasting peace harder to obtain. I was in Syria and Lebanon recently. I had previously been in Israel and could see the Golan Heights from both sides of the wall. They are occupied by strangers put in place by the Israelis and have no tie with the country except their religion. It is discriminatory.

I gleaned information while I was there to the effect that an agreement had been reached between the Syrians and the Israelis whereby the latter would pull out of the Golan Heights and the former return to them, with the proviso that the Israelis be allowed to patrol them at any time they wanted. The agreement was vetoed by Washington. Again, during the fighting between Hizbollah and the Israeli defence forces a number of attempts were made by both sides to stop the war but each time Israel was instructed by Washington to continue. We could get involved in this area and should never be afraid to do so.

On nuclear non-proliferation, we want to see a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear programme and call on Iran to respond positively and rapidly to wide ranging proposals being put to it. Equally we support the same efforts in respect of the six-party talks in North Korea.

I support the amendment. I understand the frustrations of some Senators who have looked at our foreign policy and do not understand it. I do not understand every aspect of it myself but I believe successive Governments have done their best. I welcome the Minister of State to the House and am glad to see him occupying a chair which his noble father occupied many a time before him.