Feargal Quinn (Independent)

I welcome the Minister and his officials. As Senators Brian Hayes and Moylan stated, defence legislation does not come before the House very often. I did not understand the intention to hold a military parade to commemorate the 1916 Rising but it highlighted the regard in which the Defence Forces are held and I congratulate them on that basis. I was also a member of the FCA and I have great memories of the training I received.

I welcome the Bill as a committed supporter of the continuing role of our Defence Forces in contributing to world peace and stability through international peacekeeping operations. I have two reasons for my support. The first is the good it does for the benefit of mankind in general. One of the greatest achievements of the United Nations has been its peacekeeping operations, even though they have not always been successful or without controversy. I pay tribute to the former Canadian Prime Minister Lester Pearson, who created this concept in the 1950s.

Ireland has made many friends worldwide through its contribution to peacekeeping operations in many troubled areas. These activities reflect exactly the image we want to put across of this country — that we are peace loving people who can be friends with anybody. Senator Moylan referred to 48 years of UN service. I recall going to Baldonnell airport in 1961 with my then fiancé to watch the first Irish troops depart for the Congo. We had such regard for those troops because they were acting on an international basis and they raised the status of the Army, which has remained high since.

The other reason I support peacekeeping operations is more local and selfish. Foreign involvement is very good for the Defence Forces. The State must have an Army but the prospect of it being required to defend us against an external attack is minuscule. While this is good, it provides a problem of motivation and morale for those of our citizens who choose to make a career in the Defence Forces. Without foreign involvement, there is a danger they will begin to regard themselves as being akin to a spare wheel on a car that never gets used. This is why this issue is so important.

I spoke about the mission to the Congo earlier. I was chairman of An Post in 1986 or 1987, when it issued a stamp in commemoration of that departure for the Congo. At the time, or possibly on an earlier occasion, my father-in-law, Ned Prendergast, told me the story of how he was the officer who took over the Curragh in 1922 and who raised the flag. He had some difficulty in this regard because the British had cut down the flagpole before leaving the Curragh. At the time, he was rather annoyed, but he subsequently learned that it is traditional to so do when an army leaves a base. Senator Minihan might be able to explain. Hence, there was a delay in that regard.

I recall that my son and I asked him whether it was a big decision as to which side to join in the Civil War. We asked him why he had joined the Free State Army. He replied that it had not been a big decision, and that Mick Collins had simply telephoned him, asking him to give him a hand. It is good to ensure that such little pieces of history are remembered, as well as the respect for the Army that has been present since then.

Ireland's foreign involvements provide the Defence Forces with an additional reason for their existence. In one sense, it is more important than its primary purpose, because in this case, it is actually used. This provides the Defence Forces with an opportunity to raise their professional standards and to use their training and skills in a real-life, live situation. I am certain that entirely restricting the Defence Forces to national duties, would have prevented them from recruiting many of the fine people who serve in their ranks today.

Although I did not hear the Minister's contribution, I was interested to hear Senator Moylan's reference to the Minister's comments on foreign troops training in Ireland. I heard Senator Brian Hayes ask why this was the case. Is there a ban on such a practice? Is there a reason they do not do so? I know the Garda is highly regarded as a source of training for other forces who come to Ireland to train. Perhaps there is a reason and the Minister may be able to provide an answer.

Despite what is stated in the explanatory memorandum, the real reason for this Bill concerns the issue of Irish participation in the proposed EU battle groups. It is intended to establish beyond any doubt a legal basis for Ireland's participation in those groups. As such, I have no general problem with it, provided Members can believe the repeated assurances by the Government on the nature of these groups and on Ireland's participation in them.

If Members can rely on those assurances, they have no cause for concern. Senator Moylan has already noted that the unfortunate phrase, "battle groups", is a military term. The Government has assured the House that any missions which include Irish participation will be used exclusively for peacekeeping and humanitarian purposes. While the present Minister has given this assurance, I am concerned that a different Minister or Government in the future may have a different view.

The Government also assures Members that the so-called triple lock will still apply. In other words, any proposed action will require the approval of the United Nations, the Government and the Dáil. I understand the last provision, as speed is of the essence in such matters. Senator Brian Hayes made a strong case, which I had heard him make previously, for the reconsideration of the triple lock. In particular, the case of Macedonia demonstrated that if someone in Manhattan was able to prevent Ireland from carrying out work which was required in Europe, it is time to reconsider the triple lock. Senator Brian Hayes made a strong case in this regard.

Furthermore, the Minister stated that any involvement will be considered strictly on a case-by-case basis. Ireland's membership will not involve giving anyone outside the country a blank cheque as to how and when the Defence Forces will be used overseas. While I do not want to question the sincerity of such assurances, I must confess to a reservation regarding this issue. In the context of the Forum on Europe, I recall listening and doing some reading ahead of time in this regard. This was at the time when Kofi Annan addressed the forum, as well as when the Minister was present. My concern arises because of the striking difference between the manner in which battle groups are talked about in Ireland and the manner in which they are discussed in other parts of Europe which lack Ireland's sensitivities regarding military neutrality.

Undoubtedly, many people across Europe seek something which goes well beyond an involvement in peacekeeping and humanitarian activities. Many powerful people in Europe today envisage the future of the European Union as a fully-fledged military power, with all available tools to throw its weight around as it pleases in international disputes that arise anywhere in the world. Those who take this view believe that for as long as the EU lacks military capability, it is merely playing at the business of being an effective influence in world affairs. For such people, battle groups are the thin end of the wedge. They envisage their evolution, perhaps very quickly, into a fully-fledged military force that will not be restricted to peacekeeping and humanitarian activities, but which will be capable of doing anything a military force is equipped to do. In other words, they will be capable of waging war.

For example, I will remind the House of a frightening statement made in March 2005 by the Secretary General of NATO, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer. When asked to respond to the frequently made claim that the EU's battle groups would never go to war, Mr. Scheffer stated, "I don't believe that's true. Why is the EU creating battlegroups? It is not just to rebuild a country. The battle groups are not for rebuilding schools." The Secretary General also stated his belief that the EU was developing into a military power. He stated, "[To] keep the peace, combat may be necessary. If the EU creates battlegroups and NATO a rapid-reaction force, we shouldn't think the EU is for soft power and NATO for tough power."

This kind of statement puts the Government's assurances into their proper context. It illustrates clearly why Ireland must be eternally vigilant that the foreign involvements of its Defence Forces do not become a slippery slope that, willy-nilly, brings it to an unintended and undesirable point.

The provisions of the Bill give reasonably adequate safeguards to ensure that such a situation will not suddenly be sprung on Ireland. I take the Minister's word for it, as well as that of the draftsman who prepared the legislation. Surely however, common sense dictates that Members must be careful to exercise constraint and unremitting vigilance on this critical matter. I welcome the legislation and the Minister's comments. While I believe it to be well thought-out, I wish to ensure that care will be taken and that the Bill will not be rushed through without being given serious consideration.