Paschal Mooney (Fianna Fail)

I echo the remarks of Senator Bradford in welcoming the Minister. It is a sign of great respect for the House that the Minister has come here to outline the Government's position on recent developments in the Middle East. I also take this opportunity to record the appreciation of all sides of the House represented at the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body of the historic initiative, in which the Minister was personally and intimately involved, to ensure the presence of representatives of the majority Unionist population in Northern Ireland to outline their position. I make that comment in the wider context of the parallels we constantly draw between the conflict on this island and that in the Middle East between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

Like the Minister, I unequivocally and unambiguously condemn the loss of life caused by the insidious suicide bombers and the impact it has had not only on the people who have died and their relatives but also on the wider political process, which one hoped was beginning to regenerate with a new dynamic following the recent elections in both the Palestinian Authority and in Israel. I offer sincere condolences to the families of those who lost their lives in such tragic and unacceptable circumstances.

I also welcome the Minister's reference to the continuance of Irish aid and the growing relationship between Israel and Ireland. As those of us who have been following the Middle East conflict over quite a number of years know, it has not always been a smooth passage. I recall visiting the Middle East on two occasions as part of a parliamentary delegation. We were subjected to lectures by certain elements within the Israeli political and military establishments about Ireland's perceived lack of even-handedness, especially when we were involved in southern Lebanon, and in our approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As the Minister said, we have rightly been regarded as sympathetic to the plight of the Palestinians and we are also a good friend of Israel. The Government has developed a good working relationship with recent Israeli Governments, which is vital. Of all the countries in the European Union, Ireland is the one that comes to that conflict with the least amount of baggage. The Minister has reflected this fact in his own dealings at the highest level within the EU and also in bilateral meetings with the Israeli Government. The Irish Government has always ensured that an Irish perspective or dimension to that ongoing conflict has been valuable. I am particularly pleased that the Minister emphasised this aspect in his address.

Kadima's victory in the election reflected a moderation in Israeli politics and a desire for peace among the broad mass of the Israeli people. The restraint shown by the Israeli Prime Minister, Mr. Olmert, and his cabinet colleagues in the immediate aftermath of the savagery in Jerusalem is a positive indication that the new Administration in Israel will not adopt knee-jerk reactions every time an outrage occurs, as happened in the past, but will pursue a more measured and constrained approach. In light of the fact that Israel now faces a Government in the Palestinian territories which is predominantly comprised of terrorists, the Israeli Government's restraint is commendable. The Minister has already made that point.

Concern has been expressed across Europe following the victory of Hamas. As a member of the Irish delegation to the Council of Europe, I was privileged to lead the debate for the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, of which my party is a member. It is fundamental to the concept of democracy that respect for the rule of law is paramount. That message is being sent strongly to the Hamas-led Administration. Of course we respect the right of the Palestinian people to elect the government of their choice in a free and fair election but therein lies the dilemma for the international community. Should it withdraw financial support from a democratically-elected government and plunge an already desperate people into more deprivation and misery, while at the same time sending the strongest possible message to Hamas? What the EU has done, along with Ireland's involvement, is a measured response. Following the meeting on 10 April there was no withdrawal of moneys to those who need it most but there was, rightly, a suspension of direct aid to the Palestinian Administration. Crucially, also, Commission personnel were withdrawn from key areas where they had been providing expertise to the Palestinian Authority.

In analysing the decision of the Palestinian people to choose a majority Hamas Administration, it must be borne in mind that the vote was against corruption in the Fatah-led Administration that had been going on for years under the previous president, Yasser Arafat. In addition, the vote was for Hamas's social policies at local level where its political wing has been providing social, educational and nutrition programmes to address the needs of desperate Palestinians living in the occupied territories. Therefore, the election result should not be interpreted as a vote for terrorism or the continuation of the horrendous and savage manifestation of such terrorism to which I referred earlier.

I am glad that, although it may not say so publicly, the new Israeli Government, by its actions so far, seems to have adopted the same analysis of the Palestinians' voting wishes, as has the European Union. The Minister has reiterated that there is no desire on the part of the EU — which is one of the largest donors to the Palestinian Authority — to withdraw funding that would plunge the people of that unfortunate land into even more misery. The Minister's speech indicated the specifics under which that money will continue to flow to those who are most in need.

Inevitably the parallels between Ireland's troubled history and its relations with its nearest neighbour, Great Britain, over centuries of conflict, are almost mirrored in the history of relationships between the state of Israel and the Palestinians. It is salutary to remember that in 1969 violence erupted in the streets of Belfast and for the next 30 years the Irish Republican Army carried on a war of attrition against the British Government in Northern Ireland. The people of Northern Ireland, along with many in Britain and in the Republic suffered grievously from a series of indiscriminate bombings and shootings as the IRA, supported by its political wing Sinn Féin, engaged in a war to remove the British presence from Northern Ireland and establish a united Ireland at the point of a gun. It seems far distant now but that was the only language that was spoken for 30 years. As a child growing up, and throughout the troubles of the past 35 years, I recall the term being regularly used and abused — that the only language the British understood was at the point of a gun. Thank God we have moved on from that.

As regards the parallels involved, during the end stages of the war, attempts by Sinn Féin to engage in dialogue with the British and Irish Governments on a political agenda were rebuffed while it refused to denounce violence as a means of achieving its political objectives. We also need to be reminded that the strategy at that time was to advance its cause with "the armalite in one hand and the ballot box in the other". It seems to me that Hamas believes it, too, can adopt a similar strategy. During that period, when Sinn Féin campaigned as a legitimate political party, it is salutary to remember that Hamas was doing the same. It engaged in social projects and gained electoral support, especially in economically deprived areas. Despite Sinn Féin's political mandate, however, both Governments refused to engage in a dialogue at official level unless and until it renounced its military campaign. Once that happened, it was the "open sesame" to what we now call the evolving peace process.

In drawing those contemporary parallels concerning what is going on between Israel and Hamas, and what occurred here between the Irish and British Governments and Sinn Féin, I wish to place on record that the Good Friday Agreement is to the credit of the current Sinn Féin leadership, led by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, and the vision of Nobel peace prize winners John Hume of the SDLP and the former Ulster Unionist Party leader, David Trimble. That agreement is the benchmark for the future evolution of the peace process in Ireland.

Are there men and women of vision and courage in Hamas and the Israeli leadership who can see beyond the parapets of their entrenched positions and guide their people to a better future in which they will be free from violence, including suicide attacks, and free to prosper while allowing each other to live in peace with respect for each other's opinions? That is the challenge facing both sets of leaders. To paraphrase a question that arose from this society's peace process, who will jump first?

I have been encouraged by the approach of the new Olmert Government in Israel where there is most definitely a window of opportunity. While I do not wish to overemphasise the fact, I am more than pleased that the Israeli Government did not react in the traditional manner to suicide bombings on its territory. We respect the democratic credentials of the Hamas-led Government but Hamas must in turn respect the democratically-elected Government of Israel. It must abandon its stated aim of eliminating Israel. It has to renounce violence and accept the roadmap for peace.

Israel too has an obligation. It must avoid taking unilateral action to secure its borders, such as extending the security wall beyond the pre-1967 borders and extending its settlements on Palestinian lands. If Israel contained its wall within the pre-1967 borders the wall would extend approximately 300 miles as distinct from the proposal to double that. I appeal to Israel to stop its land grab and learn the lessons of Irish history whereby a legacy of re-settlement dating back 400 years, when Ireland was colonised by non-native settlers, continues to resonate today.

I appeal to the Israeli Government to respond humanely to the situation and not to block access to finance and matériel for humanitarian purposes, especially health and education, as the Minister said. The world knows only too well the effect of humanitarian disasters in Africa. Let us not be responsible for visiting such disasters unnecessarily on the innocent Palestinian people, the women and children. No one wants aMogadishu on the Jordan.