Fergal Browne (Fine Gael)

I welcome the Minister of State and his officials to the House. This is a missed opportunity on a number of points. I am not happy that Carlow is being split again.

I accept Senator Brady's point about accepting the entire package, but this may cause problems for small counties. I feel sorry for Leitrim which is now at a huge disadvantage because it has been split in two. The Constitution states that county boundaries should be respected where possible. Although this is not always possible, in the case of small counties with small populations, that directive should be adhered to as strictly as possible.

North Carlow was placed into the Wicklow constituency years ago because Wicklow lacked electoral numbers. Currently, Wicklow has a sufficient population to be a five seat constituency in its own right. We made submissions to that effect to the commission and, in fairness, it accepted the point that Wicklow no longer required a section from north Carlow. However, a problem arose in that if the section of north Carlow returned to the Carlow-Kilkenny constituency, it would have made the constituency too big. This would have led to another section of the Carlow-Kilkenny constituency going to another constituency, most likely a part of south Kilkenny going to the Waterford constituency. A difficulty would also have arisen here as a section of south Tipperary is already in the Waterford constituency, or it may be vice versa. Either way it would have created a problem with Waterford forming part of three constituencies.

The net effect is that a part of north Carlow is being lost. The Minister, Deputy Roche, may be happy with that, as are some of my Wicklow colleagues, but the reality is that Hacketstown, Clonmoran, Rathvilly and Ballyconnell are in the Carlow County Council area for the purposes of voting in local elections. The people from these locations are also in the Carlow VEC area and community games area. They are fully part of County Carlow, therefore, it is difficult to explain, when it comes to making representations, that one cannot do anything for them because one is not their local Oireachtas Member. This is a frustrating experience. I hope that the next time constituencies are considered, this part of Carlow will return to the Carlow county lines.

Carlow traditionally had two Deputies in Dáil Éireann. The county now has only one Deputy and is suffering as a result. It is to the advantage of a county when it has at least two Deputies, one on the Opposition side and the other on the Government side. This ultimately benefits the county. I am not sure if I will put down an amendment on Committee Stage to address this aspect.

I disagree slightly with my colleague, Senator Bradford, on the most appropriate day on which to hold elections. Midweek would be an ideal time for an election and the day in question should be a national holiday to afford everyone the opportunity to vote. People live very busy lives and should be afforded a national holiday on the day of a general election. I would not recommend a weekend because people may go travelling and not use the opportunity to vote. By holding the election during the week and making the day a national holiday, people have no excuse not to vote. An increased turnout would probably be evident.

We must examine the issue of using PPS numbers when people vote. It is a farcical situation that people have to re-register before voting. Nowadays people are constantly on the move in their daily lives and it would be sensible to use a system that utilizes a person's PPS number. It would ensure that the problems faced at every election could be overcome. If the Minister of State, for example, was in Carlow on polling day for a presidential election, why should he not be entitled to vote there, given that it is in the jurisdiction? If, for example, one is not in one's county but is in one's constituency on polling day for a European election, one should be able to use one's PPS number as proof of identity at the nearest polling station to cast one's vote. This presents a difficulty for local and general elections as one must be in one's polling district to vote. However, an identity card containing their PPS number would give people flexibility to vote.

I am cautious about postal voting. A new system was introduced in England but there was widespread fraud and the Government should be careful about introducing a similar system. However, account should be taken of people who are on holidays and, therefore, cannot vote if the poll is held while they are away. If a person can produce proof that he or she will be abroad on polling day, he or she should be entitled to a temporary postal vote but it would be dangerous to introduce a uniform postal vote system.

A census is due to be carried out next year. However, according to the latest edition of The Sunday Tribune, if the census is carried out then and the next general election is held subsequently, almost half the Dáil constituencies will be under represented, which could lead to a legal challenge that could delay the census or the election. What are the Minister of State's views on this issue?

The adoption of single seat constituencies should have been examined during the electoral review. I do not favour the first past the post system but a model comprising single seat constituencies using the proportional representation system might make a great deal of sense. Invariably, in politics, a Member's enemy may not be on the opposite side of the House but rather he or she may be sitting beside or behind him or her. The mentality of looking over one's shoulder all the time does not add to politics. Single seat constituencies could produce higher quality politicians and could permit them to stay in the game much longer.

It is undemocratic that Tony Blair could be re-elected Prime Minister with 36% of the vote. Ireland could also move towards the European model of a list system. Every political party has members with great talent who would not get elected in a month of Sundays but who could make a significant contribution at national level. The US Cabinet comprises non-serving members of Parliament. One cannot be a member of Cabinet and of Parliament. Perhaps it is time we moved away from the British model. It is the ultimate irony that 80 years after independence, the Republic has a replica of the British Parliament. We should examine European and other international parliamentary systems to provide improved governance.