Paul Bradford (Fine Gael)

I am glad of the opportunity to say a few words on this important motion. I thank all the speakers I have heard so far and pay particular tribute to my colleague, Senator Finucane, for his account of what he went through personally. As I heard him say, he had never before spoken on the issue in either House. We have heard the sort of story which touches the soul and helps one understand how people can feel such hurt and pain regarding Northern Ireland.

In the summer of 1996, I attended the funeral of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe. I did so because, some weeks previously, he had been with us when we had a meeting of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body in Limerick, and because I felt such sympathy for the family and empathy with the gardaí. As one would appreciate, that Monday morning in Limerick was one of profound emotion, sorrow and anger. However, it was an ironic coincidence that, on that very day, talks were due to resume in Northern Ireland.

During the mass, after communion but before final prayers, the priest asked the congregation if it would excuse the Taoiseach, former Deputy John Bruton, the Tánaiste, former Deputy Spring, and the Minister for Social Welfare, former Deputy De Rossa, who had to leave the church to catch a helicopter to Belfast to continue the Northern talks. He expressed the wish, as the three were leaving, that their talks might be successful and that, through that political process, they might help ensure that no family would have to undergo what the McCabes were going through that day. In a sense, that must be our starting and finishing point. The brutal reality of terrorism that came home to the McCabe family in the summer of 1996 should not be visited on any more families, North or South.

My colleagues have very clearly expressed the position of the Fine Gael Party on the McCabe killing and killers. Our party leader, Deputy Kenny, gave a fine contribution on that issue today. Something that has always amazed, surprised and upset me regarding the McCabe killing — I should say "murder", for that is what it was — was the fact that the Sinn Féin Party and the IRA never said sorry. As we know so well, language is very important in the politics of Northern Ireland, and we sometimes hear half-sincere regrets and mealy-mouthed sympathies being extended. However, in this instance, where a person who was upholding the law and the integrity of this State was brutally killed by a criminal gang, we should have heard the word "sorry". To Gerry Adams and his colleagues in Sinn Féin, with whom we must all deal in our own way from time to time, I say this. If they are asking us to contemplate seeing the McCabe killers released at the behest of the Government as part of an overall completion package, as the Taoiseach called it, they should at least have the decency to express profound sympathy and a genuine apology for the killing.

Regarding the present talks, the point on which Senator Mansergh concluded is worth reflecting on, namely, what has been given by Sinn Féin. Senator Finucane rightly pointed out that they are masters of spin. Through that, they have hidden the fact that the political landscape of this island has truly changed. We all know what Sinn Féin were demanding ten, 15, 20 or 30 years ago; that is no longer the case. On this island, every political party is now in agreement with the right of the Unionist people to remain such for as long as the institutions of Northern Ireland provide for it. We have changed our Constitution to reflect that amazing transformation.

If one were to make any criticism of Unionist politicians or their negotiators, it is that they have not clearly outlined in the requisite detail to their own voters and supporters what they have achieved. In the course of the past ten years since the 1994 ceasefire, we have given an absolute guarantee — not merely in writing but through a vote of the Irish people — to the Unionist family that, as long as they wish to remain part of the United Kingdom, they will do so. That was something we could not have envisaged 25, 30 or 40 years ago.

When we talk about the ongoing conflict in Northern Ireland and the need to find a comprehensive solution to it, we must be careful about using the concepts of winners and losers. We cannot have winners or losers in this conflict. If one side is seen as having clearly won, unfortunately, that means that the other side has clearly lost. A settlement of that type will not last.

Those on the two sides of the equation should take much more note of what they have achieved. The Unionist people of Northern Ireland can take profound and quiet satisfaction from the fact that they are no longer under the military and political threat they were under in the 1970s and the 1980s. Nationalist families and communities in Northern Ireland tend to take great satisfaction from the fact that, having been in a sectarian state, they now have the full protection of both Governments, their integrity is guaranteed and they have full rights of government. That is the transformed Northern Ireland of today.

We have not reached the final solution to putting in place the political structures to underpin what we all hope will happen. However, I listened to what the Taoiseach said today and, as Senator Norris said, he tried to show the glass being half full rather than half empty. Major progress has been made and let us not lose that now. To ensure we do not do so requires more quiet diplomacy, understanding and direct dialogue, but both sides in Northern Ireland have achieved a tremendous amount over the past ten years. They have achieved progress which was unimaginable 30 years ago. Let us not go back to the situation in the past. During the first term I spent in this House in 1987 to 1989 we discussed on almost a weekly basis the most recent outrage in Northern Ireland. Thankfully, we do not have those sort of debates any longer. We should not go back to that situation but should go forward and let everybody work together to achieve peace on this island which everybody deserves.