Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the Tánaiste to the House. I invite Deputy Ó Laoghaire to move the motion.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann: notes that:

— the advisory opinion rendered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 19th July, 2024, regarding the legal consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem in response to United Nations General Assembly Resolution 77/247 of 30th December, 2022;

— the ICJ found that states have a duty to "abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) or parts thereof which may entrench its unlawful presence in the territory" and "to take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory"; and

— the ICJ further found that all states are "under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel’s illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory";

recalls that:

— on 24th January, 2018, Senator Frances Black introduced the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, in Seanad Éireann;

— on 5th December, 2018, the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, passed Fifth Stage in Seanad Éireann;

— on 23rd January, 2019, Fianna Fáil introduced the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, in Dáil Éireann;

— while introducing the Bill in the Dáil, Niall Collins TD, expressed "To those who have tried to dissuade us from supporting the Bill and say that it is not the time for such a Bill, I say if this is not the time to act, when will that time come?";

— Darragh O'Brien TD, expressed that "The time for waiting is over now" and that "The time for waiting for a pan-European approach is over at this stage";

— Jim O’Callaghan TD, expressed fear that the then Government would block the Bill by invoking Article 17.2 of the Constitution;

— on 24th January, 2019, the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, passed Second Stage in Dáil Éireann;

— Fine Gael did proceed to block the Bill by invoking Article 17.2 of the Constitution;

— despite the 2020 Fianna Fáil general election manifesto containing a commitment to "Progress the Occupied Territories Bill" the Bill was not progressed following Fianna Fáil entering Government with Fine Gael, in the aftermath of the election;

— on 22nd October, 2024, then Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Micheál Martin TD, having received legal advice in relation to the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, welcomed that the advisory opinion of the ICJ stated that states have a duty including "an obligation to take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the OPT";

— in advance of the general election of 29th November, 2024, on 30th October, 2024, then Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Micheál Martin TD, formally requested that the block invoked under Article 17.2 of the Constitution be removed;

— on 5th November, 2024, Dáil Éireann referred the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, to the Oireachtas Select Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, for Committee Stage;

— in advance of the general election of 29th November, 2024, on 5th November, 2024, then Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Micheál Martin TD, informed the Oireachtas Select Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence that the ICJ advisory opinion represented "an authoritative statement of applicable international law, which is binding on all states and international organisations"; and

— in advance of the general election of 29th November, 2024, during a televised leaders' debate, then Taoiseach Simon Harris TD, stated "I'll support the legislation [the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018]. The legislation which complies with the ICJ findings..." following which a statement from Fine Gael stated that "Fine Gael is in favour of passing the Occupied Territories Bill";

regrets that the current Programme for Government commitment fails to meet the obligations of the ICJ opinion through only committing that "This Government will progress legislation prohibiting goods from Occupied Palestinian Territories, following [sic] the July 2024, International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion"; and

calls on the Government to progress the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018, and introduce a legislative ban, in line with the opinion of the ICJ, on all trade, including services, with Israel's illegal settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including East Jerusalem.

I will start by reflecting on the events of the past 24 hours with President Trump effectively endorsing the erasure of Gaza and the displacement of the Palestinian people living there, contrary to all international law and to any sense of what is right and wrong, what is sensible and workable, or what is acceptable. After all the bombing, death, destruction and devastation the people of Gaza have faced in the past year and a half we finally saw a ceasefire and the release of hostages on both sides. Some relief and some respite after carnage and misery has now given way to worry about what President Trump, and Netanyahu by his side, intends to do.

Earlier today the Tánaiste said that he intends to adopt an approach of responding to the actions of the US Administration rather than its words. So be it.

If we have learned anything in politics in recent years, however, it is that no matter how outlandish a prospect something may seem, it cannot be ruled out. What President Trump has proposed is utterly unacceptable and treats the Palestinian people as pieces on a board rather than a people living in their homeland, as is their right. I urge the Taoiseach not only to make a strong statement himself but to seek a strong EU statement in opposition to any such proposal and to push for a recommittal to a two-state solution by the United States.

The ceasefire, such as it is, is fragile. We have seen breaches in Gaza and, most particularly, in the West Bank. In the past, Israel has acted with impunity due to much of the international community looking the other way. That is why the occupied territories Bill matters. It is about applying international law. This is about the International Court of Justice, ICJ, judgment and nothing less. It is long past time for the Government to commit, finally and at last, to enacting the occupied territories Bill. The Government, or constituent parts of it, have already committed to this numerous times over six or seven years. Now of all times, when the very existence of the State of Palestine is being questioned, is not the time to walk away. Now is the time for the Government to put its money where its mouth is.

Commitments were made by Government Deputies quite robustly on some occasions. "To those who have tried to dissuade us from supporting the Bill and say that it is not the time for such a Bill, I say if this is not the time to act, when will that time come?" Those were the words of Deputy Niall Collins on 23 January 2019. "The time for waiting is over now ... The time for waiting for a pan-European approach is over at this stage."  Those were the words of Darragh O'Brien, TD, now Minister, during the same debate. The 2020 Fianna Fáil manifesto contained a commitment to progress the occupied territories Bill. Fine Gael, for its part, has long committed to this, including during the recent general election, as has the Tánaiste himself. If anything, the case has grown stronger over the years as the International Court of Justice decision came forth.

In truth, whether sincerely or as a matter of lip service, all we have seen over the past six or seven years has been excuses. They have varied over time. We have been told it is not the right time and that we do not have enough time. When time was offered, it was not taken up. We were also told there was not a shortage of time after all but there were technical issues. Since the formation of this Government, we have seen the walk back and the walking away. A mounting list of Government sources indicate a new Bill with not just technical but fundamental differences to the occupied territories Bill. Unless the Government changes policy, that Bill is being dropped. That is why, despite some of the high-minded prose, we cannot accept the Government amendment to the motion. It is now crystal clear the Government does not wish to progress the occupied territories Bill and that a ban on profiting from services in occupied territories will be dropped. The simple crux of the matter is that illegal settlements are wrong and abhorrent, and profiting from them is wrong and abhorrent. The people recognise this and want action.

To some, the distinction between goods and services might seem technical, but it is not. Such a distinction is fundamentally undermining the International Court of Justice decision. It did not make fish of one and fowl of the other. This is not the 1930s. We are not talking about a world where trade is dominated by coal, steel, cotton and so on. Approximately 70% of our trade is in services. If the Government intends to exclude services, it will be saying it is acceptable for companies to profit from businesses in financial services, call centres and other businesses not trading in goods. If we believe that occupation is wrong, surely profiting from it is also wrong. The people want a legislative ban in line with the opinion of the ICJ. The Government's current position is walking away from past Government policy. When sanctions were put in place on Russia, the Government correctly did not make any distinction between services and goods. The inconsistency here is remarkable.

The Government will try to pretend there is nothing to see here. It will point to past actions it has taken. I would point out those actions have often been taken under pressure from the public and the Opposition. Nonetheless, we welcomed those actions. The recognition of the Palestinian state was significant to a large extent because it made clear that occupation was wrong and illegal. On this issue, the Government cannot pull the wool over people's eyes. If we wish to see a two-state solution and sustainable peace, international law must be respected. If we wish to see international law respected, illegal occupations must be unacceptable. If illegal occupations are unacceptable, how can we allow services to be traded and companies to profit by trade of services with Ireland without any sanction or disincentive? That is an absurd suggestion.

I note the Government's amendment to the motion, which references one of the occupied territories Bill's sponsors, Senator Frances Black. When I spoke to her earlier, she made it clear that she will not stand for any watering down of the Bill or any distinction between goods and services. She has been waiting for a meeting with the Government since she requested one in January.

The very existence of the Palestinian state has been brought into question in the past 24 hours. Now, above all, is the time to stand with it. If the Government is going to be consistent with its past positions, there needs to be an absolute ban on trade with the occupied territories and the occupied territories Bill needs to be progressed. It must not be dropped. We should not opt for a new Bill or drop the ban on services. We will gladly deal with debates on technical issues on Committee Stage. This Bill has been before these Houses for six or seven years and we cannot allow more excuses and prevarication. It has to be done right. Dropping the Bill and dropping the ban on services is not only morally wrong, it is contrary to the International Court of Justice decision. Doing so would be incompatible with that decision.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Hear, hear.

Deputies:

Hear, hear.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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When Donald Trump stood yesterday and declared he wanted to essentially ethnically cleanse Palestinian land, forcibly transfer tens of thousands of innocent Palestinians from their homeland, replace them with others and essentially create a new society, many people were shocked, except that is essentially the story of Palestine for the past century. The Palestinian story is a story of displacement and confiscation, of international law rendered meaningless, of suffering and of misery. It has continued because the world has never said stop. Introducing the occupied territories Bill to the Dáil in 2019, Fianna Fáil TD Niall Collins, now a junior minister in this Government, righteously challenged anyone who detracted from it. He said, "To those who have tried to dissuade us from supporting the Bill ... I say if this is not the time to act, when will that time come?" When will that time come, indeed?

What has changed since? Fianna Fáil entered government and essentially adopted the language and critique of the Bill that had been articulated by Fine Gael when it opposed the original iteration of the occupied territories Bill. What has happened since has been an escalation of the misery and suffering. The year 2022 went on to be the deadliest year on record for children in the West Bank. Thirty-four were killed. The year 2023 surpassed that record. Long before the horrendous actions of 7 October, Israel had killed 39 Palestinian children by mid-September. Since then, we have borne witness to a genocide in which the latest toll of those murdered stands at 61,800, including at least 12,000 women, almost 18,000 children and 808 under the age of 12 months.

Since then, the International Court of Justice has ruled on the legal consequences and implications of Israel's occupation. The ICJ has ruled that states have a duty to abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the occupied Palestinian territory or parts thereof which may entrench its unlawful presence in the territory. It also said that states must take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory. The ICJ further found that all states are under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel's illegal presence in the occupied Palestinian territory. That is as clear-cut as international law gets. Ireland should not be engaged in trade, either through goods or services, that supports Israel's illegal occupation. It is as simple as that. To do otherwise is to be complicit in Israel's breaches of international law and to economically support its occupation, apartheid and, unfortunately, its genocide.

As has been said, the leaders of both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael committed to supporting the occupied territories Bill in advance of the recent general election. The Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, Micheál Martin, told an Oireachtas foreign affairs committee meeting I was at that the ICJ ruling was "an authoritative statement of applicable international law, which is binding on all states and international organisations". The Tánaiste and leader of Fine Gael, who is here, told the nation during a general election television debate that he would support the occupied territories Bill, not a watered-down version of it. What has changed since that? Any commitments to uphold international law seem to be just rhetorical devices to be used when seeking a mandate from the people and to be discarded when they actually really count. There have been six years of moments when this could have been progressed.

Today, as Mary-Lou McDonald has just said, there is not a single person in this Chamber who would not denounce the apartheid-era regime of South Africa. I am too young to recall most of it, but I expect there is not a single person among the great and good of today who would not claim to have opposed apartheid in South Africa and to have advocated against it, but we know that was not truly the case. There were those who equivocated, frustrated and delayed meaningful action against the apartheid regime. Tonight, I appeal to Deputies of every party and none across the breadth of this House, if not for the beleaguered, displaced, maimed, orphaned and ethnically cleansed Palestinian people, if not for the tens of thousands murdered who will never know a ceasefire, let alone enjoy lasting peace, then for yourselves and your own legacy, because decades from now, every Member of this Parliament will claim to have done everything they could. Tonight, we can prove it. We can reject the Government amendment which, make no mistake about it, is a tool to delay and reduce the provisions of the occupied territories Bill. I hope the Tánaiste will explain why his amendment, like Government statements of the past couple of weeks, continually removes references to services and limits potential trade restrictions to goods. The reality is that no explanation can excuse a position that is clearly contrary to the letter and spirit of international law and the ICJ determinations.

Our strength as a neutral state with an independent foreign policy must be our consistency in upholding the principles of international law and the UN Charter. That consistency is required now more than ever, regardless of who is in the White House or the position of other EU states. We must speak up. We must act. We must sanction Israel. We must pass this motion.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all the words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "welcomes the ceasefire deal in Gaza and the release of hostages that has taken place to date;

urges all parties to ensure full implementation of all phases of this agreement and commends the effort of stakeholders for their ongoing efforts as facilitators;

deplores the loss of so many civilian lives, in Gaza and in Israel;

recalls that this House has condemned the brutal attacks by Hamas in Israel on 7th October, 2023, and has emphasised that the taking of hostages is unconscionable;

reiterates its call for the urgent scaling up of humanitarian assistance entering Gaza and the need to ensure its safe and unhindered distribution;

underlines the indispensable role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and stresses that no other United Nations (UN) Agency or actor has the capacity or infrastructure to replace UNRWA's unique mandate and experience in delivering humanitarian assistance, and in delivering education, health services and relief and social services in Gaza, the West Bank and across the region;

expresses its grave concern at the entry into force of Israeli legislation on UNRWA, which will have far-reaching consequences for UNRWA's operations in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and in Gaza;

emphasises the need to support the Palestinian Authority in returning to a governance role in Gaza and welcomes that the United Nations Security Council, in its Resolution 2735 of 10th June, 2024, reiterated its unwavering commitment to the two-state solution and stressed the importance of unifying the Gaza Strip with the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority;

in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2735, rejects any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that reduce the territory of Gaza;

expresses its belief that there can be no sustainable peace in the Middle East until the Israeli and Palestinian peoples alike can realise the same rights to self-determination, statehood, peace, security and dignity;

reiterates its support for the two-state solution based on 1967 borders, with the State of Israel, and an independent, democratic, contiguous, sovereign, and viable State of Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security and mutual recognition, with Jerusalem serving as the future capital of both states;

deplores the record levels of settlement expansion, settler violence and displacement of Palestinian communities in the West Bank;

underlines the requirement of all parties to comply with their obligations under international law;

welcomes the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) of 19th July, 2024;

welcomes the launch of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution the UN General Assembly in September 2024 and related follow-up within this framework;

welcomes that a Conference of High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions will be convened by Switzerland in March of this year on the protection of civilians in the occupied Palestinian territory;

welcomes the convening by the UN in June of this year of a High-level International Conference for the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, to be co-chaired by France and Saudi Arabia;

recalls that:

— Ireland's approach is grounded in respect for international law and support for the two-state solution;

— Ireland has demonstrated clear and consistent leadership at European Union (EU) and international level on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict;

— close coordination with international partners, notably within the EU and also with our Arab partners, is indispensable to these efforts;

— in May 2024, Ireland recognised the State of Palestine, doing so in coordination with several other partners in order to build momentum behind efforts to implement the two-state solution; and

— in light of the July 2024 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice and the subsequent advice of the Attorney General, the Government decided to review the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018 [Seanad] working with Senator Frances Black and that the Government's analysis was that substantive amendments would be required to most, if not all, of the Bill's provisions in order to bring it in line with the Constitution and to try to reduce the risk of EU infringement procedures; and

agrees that:

— the Government will progress legislation prohibiting goods from Occupied Palestinian Territories following the July 2024 International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion;

— the Government will, in parallel, continue to press for action at the EU level in light of the International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion;

— the urgent focus of Ireland, the EU and the international community must be on ensuring the full and successful implementation of all phases of the ceasefire and hostage release deal;

— at this sensitive and critical juncture, the Government will continue to prioritise concrete policies and actions that contribute to improving the situation on the ground, and keeping momentum towards a sustainable peace based on the two-state solution;

— the Government will continue to work with likeminded partners, the EU and the international community to protect the indispensable role and mandate of UNRWA;

— the Government will continue to work closely with European and Arab partners on implementing the two-state solution, including through close engagement with the work of the Global Alliance and the UN High-level International Conference in June; and

— the Government will continue to support, at national and EU level, the Palestinian Authority in reforming and building its institutional capacity."

I say to Deputies opposite that we must also be lawful in what we do.

We must also be honest in what we do. We must also not selectively quote comments made by my predecessor in this position, the Taoiseach, when he attended the foreign affairs committee. I will get to that in a moment. I welcome Senator Black to the Gallery and congratulate her on her re-election. I look forward to meeting her in the coming days. I thank Deputy Ó Laoghaire and congratulate him on his appointment. I look forward to working with him.

Tonight is an important opportunity to update the House on developments in Gaza and the Middle East since the Dáil was last in session. This must be one of the only chambers in the world where the opposition would assert that the Government of Ireland has not been on the side of the people of Palestine, human rights and international law. Ask the Spanish Government, the Norwegian Government, the Slovenian Government, the members of the European Council, the President of Palestine, the Prime Minister of Palestine and the ambassador of Palestine whether they believe the Government of Ireland, on behalf of the people of Ireland, has stood up for international law, human rights and the right of the Palestinian people to the self-determination of their future and to live in a state of their own, alongside the State of Israel, in peace and security. It is only the Opposition that seeks to suggest that the Government of Ireland does not stand with the people of Palestine. The people of Ireland know that. We hear lofty phrases such as "any government on the side of humanity". This Government is on the side of humanity. We also represent the people of Ireland. Sinn Féin does not have any sort of monopoly on that and it must be exhausting suggesting it does.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue. I do so knowing how deeply the people of this country care about what they are witnessing, what they have been witnessing for many years in the Middle East and what they have been witnessing since 7 October 2023. I believe it is their wish that we in the Oireachtas should work together on these matters and that we should look at all of the levers that we can pull as a country to help to bring about a lasting peace. I believe they welcome many of the actions we have taken to date.

Rather than being divisive in our language, there is broad agreement on many of the fundamental issues that need to be addressed in Ireland's overarching approach. However, the motion tabled today does not reflect the track record of sustained and principled action by the Irish Government on this issue. The motion is also fundamentally inaccurate. I note for the official Dáil record that a paragraph of the motion relating to a meeting of the Oireachtas Select Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence on 5 November 2024 incorrectly attributes comments to officials in my Department. These comments were in fact made, surely in good faith, by an adviser to Senator Black who was invited to intervene by the Chair of the committee.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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On a point of order-----

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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May I take it when I have finished?

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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May I make an important point of order?

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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Will the clock be paused?

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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On a point of order, that paragraph was removed and is not in the motion before the House. There might have been an earlier draft in which an error was made. That has been rectified and we are not debating the motion the Minister is referencing. That error has been removed. It is not before the House.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I welcome that, but the motion published and publicised by Sinn Féin yesterday wrongly attributed comments to officials in my Department.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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It has been corrected.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I accept that, but it is important that Department of Foreign Affairs officials are not misrepresented in their comments. I stand by their integrity in what they say.

I am submitting an amendment on behalf of the Government that sets out the full range of meaningful actions taken by the Government as well as our broad approach to important recent developments and current considerations.

Last month saw agreement on a long-awaited ceasefire and a hostage release deal. This has brought much-needed hope and relief to the people of Israel and the people of Palestine, whose lives have been devastated by conflict. I have welcomed the release of the hostages - sadly, the Opposition motion is silent on that - who have been returned to their families since the deal came into effect. We reiterate that all remaining hostages must be returned to their families. I recall the motion previously adopted by this House, which unreservedly condemned the brutal attacks perpetrated by Hamas and other terrorist organisations on 7 October 2023, which indiscriminately and systematically targeted civilians. The taking of hostages in any scenario is unconscionable. In the 16 months since then, this House has often expressed its deep concern about the unacceptable loss of civilian life and the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza. We underlined that Israel had a right to defend itself from attack but any such right had to be exercised in line with international law, including international humanitarian law. With a ceasefire deal now in place, our priority bilaterally and as a member of the European Union must be to make sure the ceasefire is implemented and upheld and the hostage release deal continues.

We must also focus on steps that will support the provision of urgently needed humanitarian assistance into Gaza, something that the people of Gaza and Palestine and the Palestinian Authority are crying out for. While there has been a much-needed increase in the volume of aid entering Gaza in recent days, we need to see this significantly scaled up and the return of basic services, the provision of shelter and a clear framework under which those who have been displaced by the conflict can return home.

I recognise the efforts of many countries to help bring about a ceasefire. These mediation efforts must continue to ensure that the agreement is implemented in full in all of its phases. Of course, there will be a need for international involvement, including by the United States and others, in order to stabilise and reconstruct Gaza, but let me be clear: this country, the European Union and international partners have been consistently clear that there can be no forced displacement of any civilian population from Gaza nor occupation of the strip by Israel. A two-state solution and the right of the people of Palestine to determine their own future has to be the destination. Any move to relocate any population against its will is absolutely contrary to United Nations Security Council Resolution 2735 of 10 June 2024, which rejected any attempt at demographic or territorial change in the Gaza Strip. The Irish Government and Ireland are clear on that. The focus of the international community has to be on ensuring that efforts are made to continue the implementation of the ceasefire.

Against this backdrop, it was enormously disheartening, to put it mildly, to see the entry into force last week of Israeli legislation that will have far-reaching consequences for UNRWA's operations in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. No other UN agency or actor has the capacity or infrastructure to replace UNRWA's unique mandate. Ireland has provided more than €51 million in support for the Palestinian people since October 2023. This includes €38 million in core support for UNRWA, increasing our contribution to UNRWA when others were withdrawing theirs. It also includes contributions to the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Food Programme and others. Ireland has been a long-standing supporter of UNRWA and we will continue to support its vital mandate. I hope this Dáil can speak with one voice on that.

The UN Security Council has reiterated its unwavering commitment to the two-state solution and stressed the importance of unifying the Gaza Strip with the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority. The EU is active in its support to the Palestinian Authority and is taking action on the ground. Last week, the EU's civilian border assistance mission for the Rafah crossing point was redeployed at the request of Palestine and Israel in agreement with Egypt. The redeployment of EUBAM Rafah is a positive development, which Ireland has worked for and strongly supported.

The Government has continued to maintain the intensive engagement with international partners, notably EU and Arab partners, that has been the hallmark of our approach. As Tánaiste, I have continued these contacts, including in recent days. At the Foreign Affairs Council last week, I underlined the need to focus on the urgent humanitarian needs in Gaza while also taking a longer term perspective that prioritised the two-state solution, including addressing threats to its viability. I have also had calls with a number of counterparts, including the Jordanian foreign minister. Ireland is centrally involved in the work of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, which was formally launched during last year's UN high-level week. This includes close co-operation with Arab and Gulf partners, including Saudi Arabia.

As set out in the programme for Government, the situation in the Middle East remains a central foreign policy priority. Notably, the programme advocates for a sustainable peace between Israel and Palestine through the realisation of the two-state solution. Ireland was proud to recognise the State of Palestine in May of last year. We took this important step to keep hope in the two-state solution alive. Throughout this terrible situation, Ireland has bilaterally and at a multilateral level repeatedly called on Israel to comply with international law, stressing the universal applicability of international law, including international humanitarian law. This commitment has been supported by our actions. On 6 January, Ireland filed a declaration of intervention in South Africa's ICJ case against Israel under the Genocide Convention. A declaration of intervention was also filed in the Gambia's case against Myanmar on 20 December 2024. The purpose of both interventions is for Ireland to set out the factors it considers relevant in assessing whether a state has properly fulfilled its obligations under the convention.

I am clear on what the programme for Government says. Following the July 2024 International Court of Justice advisory opinion, the Government will progress legislation on the occupied Palestinian territories. As Taoiseach, I sought the updated legal advice in that regard. We will work with Senator Black and across the House on this matter but I must be honest, in that the issues are not technical issues, as Sinn Féin has portrayed them. There are major legal issues. The people of Ireland need to know that. "Pass the Bill now" sounds great-----

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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They are major legal issues.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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They have all been detailed and legal advices, including those of the legal adviser from the Department of Foreign Affairs, have been shared at the committee. We are happy to provide further detail. It is about getting legislation that is lawful, Deputy McDonald, not about pretending to do something for the sake of it. We must get this right. We must continue to work in that regard. The Deputy should not tut-tut at me and suggest that she has a monopoly on this issue. The Irish Government-----

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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The Government had six years to do it.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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We do not need tut-tutting. We can be a little more mature in this debate.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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You have had six years to do it.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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You can do what you want, but you can be a little more mature in relation to this.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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This Government has taken a number of actions on behalf of the Irish people. I am proud of the approach Ireland has taken. I believe Irish people are proud of the approach we have taken. We are on the right side of history in this country. The Palestinian people and the President of the Palestinian National Authority know that too. One day, the Deputy might also acknowledge the positive efforts of this Government and the people of this country to help bring about a two-state solution. In the meantime, we will work to progress legislation in line with the programme for Government. However, we will only work to progress legislation that is lawful and constitutional and that complies with EU law.

Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)
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I genuinely did.

Thomas Gould (Cork North-Central, Sinn Fein)
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One in every 50 people in Gaza has been killed by Israel. Can you imagine the scale of that? Forty-six thousand people have been killed since 7 October 2023. We now have a ceasefire, but in the midst of the ceasefire that came into effect on 26 January, a two-year-old girl, Layla, who was being fed by her pregnant mother in the West Bank, was shot in the head. She was shot in the head by an Israeli army sniper. Three thousand toddlers have been murdered in 12 months. That is an unimaginable figure. One year ago, Hind Rajab bled to death while she pleaded, "I'm scared. Please come." The people who tried to rescue her were gunned down. She was six years old and was dying. The Israeli army intentionally left her to die while they murdered anyone who tried to save her life. This is the depth of the atrocity that this right-wing Israeli Government and army are bringing on the people of Gaza and the West Bank.

In 2023, €3.6 billion worth of goods were imported from Israel to Ireland. Much of these profits were made on the back of the grief of the Palestinian people. We should not have these goods in our shops. We should not have these services or this trade relationship with this state because what it is doing is profiting from genocide. How can that be right? Memory goes back to our own history. In 1845, 25 million bushels of corn were exported to Britain from Ireland. Three million live animals were exported between 1846 and 1850. Four thousand vessels carried food from Ireland to ports in Bristol, Glasgow, Liverpool and London during 1847. Four hundred thousand Irish men, women and children died of starvation that same year. We must be ashamed that food is exported from the fields of starving children in the West Bank and Gaza to line our supermarket shelves, particularly in light of both the experience of our ancestors and our history.

In the West Bank right now, there is a two-tier solution where Palestinians are treated like second-class citizens. It is not me saying that. That is what is being said internationally. If we look at the way they are being treated, we can see that we are dealing with an apartheid state. This Israeli Government does not want a two-state solution. The only solution it wants is the one that was announced yesterday by the President of America, Donald Trump, which is that all the Palestinians will be pushed out of Gaza, pushed out of the West Bank and pushed to hell or to Connacht. We had to hell or to Connacht. The Palestinians should not have to face the latter. We think back to all of the millions of Irish people who died or emigrated and who built America. They built the houses and roads. Do people not remember history?

This is a very important piece of work. We could take a lead for the world. We are only a small country but I believe we are a great country. The Irish people have hearts, generosity and intelligence. They want this and we will support the Government if the wording is right. We want to back it. We want the Tánaiste to back this. This is an opportunity for Ireland to send out a message. We have said this for two years - and I will say it again - that we are against genocide, that we will not close our eyes and that we will not turn away while it happens. That is the reason for this legislation. The occupied territories Bill is so important.

I know the Taoiseach is not here, but 100,000 men, women and children died in Cork during An Gorta Mór. That was 100,000 people in my county alone. Forty-six thousand people have died in Gaza and the West Bank. Enough is enough. Enact the occupied territories Bill.

Mark Ward (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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There has been much public discourse about our political system. We saw it in the context of the low turnout in the general election. I recently met a group of young people who informed me there is a mistrust on the part of the electorate. They accused politicians of not sticking by their word and of talking out of both sides of their mouths. We have another example of this today with the Government not supporting the progression of the occupied territories Bill in its totality and not in its watered-down version, as Mary Lou McDonald described it. The Government has reneged on its commitment to the Irish public. One of the young people asked me what the occupied territories Bill is. I explained it in the best way I could. Over the decades, Israel has forcibly removed Palestinians from their land. It then set up settlements on that land. These are illegal settlements. Israelis live on these illegal settlements. They also set up business and enterprise on that land which they stole from the Palestinians. The occupied territories Bill would prevent Ireland from doing any trade with businesses that were set up on these illegal settlements. It is as simple as that. Any person with a shred of humanity would recognise that trading with businesses set up on illegal settlements is wrong.

Sinn Féin is calling for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to deliver on their pre-election commitment to speedily enact the occupied territories Bill. As was quoted, in the words of a Fianna Fáil Minister, "if this is not the time to act, when will that time come?". In the six years since Senator Frances Black first tabled the occupied territories Bill, the situation in Palestine has deteriorated. While the world is rightly focused on the horrific genocidal war in Gaza, we are also seeing one of the biggest land grabs in decades in the West Bank. More homes have been destroyed, families displaced and settlements built. How can we repeatedly condemn this as illegal but continue to trade in the goods produced on these illegal settlements? It is clear hypocrisy and it must stop now.

I was lucky enough to spend some time in the West Bank. I saw at first hand these illegal settlements. While the word "settlements" might bring forward images of wagons rolling across the prairie, the truth is much different. These are fortified settlements, often on the best lands in the area, surrounded by armed members of the Israel Defense Forces or Israeli militia. They are often located on high vantage points towering over the Palestinian population who they have forced out of their homes. Today, more than 750,000 illegal Israeli settlers live in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, controlling a significant portion of its land and the majority of its water and natural resources.

The European Union's position is absolutely clear: Israeli settlements are illegal under international law. Despite this, EU countries, shamefully including Ireland, continue to make settlements financially viable. The occupied territories Bill does not preclude trade with Israel. It only precludes trade on lands that Israel has illegally invaded and claimed as its own. Ireland has been at the forefront of the international response to the horrific genocide in Palestine, including recognition of the State of Palestine. I welcome and am very proud of this, but it is time to go one step further. It is time to back up words with action. Speeches like this are all well and good but words without action are futile. Words without sanctions are futile. It is time that Ireland led the way and said that enough is enough. It is time that Ireland enacted the occupied territories Bill. It is time for Ireland to introduce sanctions. If the world does not start sanctioning Israel for its illegal land grab, its genocidal attacks on the Palestinian people and its apartheid regime, Israel will just continue with impunity.

I welcome the ceasefire and the release of the Israeli and Palestinian hostages, and I wish with all my heart that this piece will continue; however, even during this truce, world leaders like Donald Trump are speaking about the ethnic cleansing of Gaza. Trump has said the Palestinian population should be displaced to Egypt and Jordan. Both of those countries, other Arab nations and Palestinian leaders have rejected this.

What the Palestinian people need is support to return home. They need an end to the genocide and to apartheid, and real sanctions imposed on Israel so it will face the consequences of the war crimes it has committed. These sanctions would also prevent future war crimes. Ireland, by failing to sanction an apartheid and genocidal state, is enabling apartheid and genocide. Ireland can make a stance on this to say enough is enough, and that starts by progressing the occupied territories Bill in its totality.

Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)
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I thank Sinn Féin for introducing this motion, which we fully support. That the last Private Members’ business of the Thirty-third Dáil, a motion by the Social Democrats, and the first Private Members’ business of the Thirty-fourth Dáil are on the issue of Palestine sends an important message out from this Parliament on how important the issue of genocide in Gaza is to the Irish people and their Parliament. In the debate on the last item of Private Members’ business of the Thirty-third Dáil, my then colleague Brendan Howlin, an outgoing TD, in commending the work of Senator Frances Black, warned about the presidency of Donald Trump, as we all did, and the moral and economic pressure that would be placed on Ireland under his presidency to bow to the Israeli demands. We are concerned that the first bit of pressure the current Government will bow to will be the pressure to water down the occupied territories Bill.

Neither Brendan Howlin nor anybody else could have foreseen the press conference that took place yesterday with US President Donald Trump, in which he stated the US would take over Gaza, clear it of its people and buildings, and redevelop it. This was not some contribution made in some pre-election rally in some part of the United States; this was a White House briefing, a White House press conference. Standing shoulder to shoulder with Mr. Trump was the Prime Minister of Israel, who commended the American policy. It is beyond absurd that these words and policies are coming out of the Oval Office, notwithstanding the US’s support historically for the Israeli project. What was said yesterday brings it to a whole new level of abhorrence, and this is why small Ireland needs to act, as it is done in the past.

When we talk about genocide, the phrase "Never again" is often used. We know that phrase’s 20th-century origin. Instead of "Never again", we seem to have "Again and again", because the West will continually turn a blind eye to genocide and war crimes if it deems doing so to be in its economic or political interest. We cannot allow this country to follow that. We in the Labour Party, like many in this country, are unequivocal in our unwavering solidarity with the people of Palestine. Their struggle for self-determination, basic human rights and, for now, food, water, electricity, heat, safety and freedom of movement should demand the commitment of every person in the world with a shred of decency. The consistent Israeli bombardment Gazans saw since the awful attacks on 7 October was massively disproportionate. The likes of it we have never seen. This was at a time when most independent eyes had been denied access to the horror on the Gaza Strip. We need to pay tribute to journalists who risked their lives to ensure the world could see the truth for what it was, to the 137 journalists and media workers who lost their lives in Gaza. Since the Committee to Protect Journalists, CPG, began to collect data, Gaza has been the deadliest spot for journalists to work.

Today we have a shaky ceasefire – a ceasefire that has come with 61,800 people having died in the past 15 months. We should always welcome an end to violence and we have a duty to help facilitate a lasting peace in the region, but when we see press conferences like the one we saw in the US yesterday, it feels the ceasefire is on shaky ground. This violence is generational. The stories the world has seen since 7 October, of families devastated from indiscriminate bombings and assassinations, are absolutely heartbreaking. The failure of the international community to stand up and act is a damning indictment of us all.

For the United States, the self-identifying, supposed beacon of freedom and justice, its continued indifference to the plight of the Palestinian people is utmost failure. It is a moral stain on a country that identifies itself as the leader of the western world. Well, it is not the leader of Irish foreign policy and Ireland’s position on Palestine and the Palestinian people. Donald Trump is a fundamental danger to the very existence of Palestine and its people. We now know, moving forward, what the US policy will be: to forcibly displace 2 million Palestinian people from Gaza so the US can, de facto, own it and redevelop it. It is shocking that we could be contemplating another Nakba.

The truth is that this world has become more fractured and more unstable in recent years. Our country’s reliance on foreign direct investment from the US must not lead our foreign policy in its entirety. This is the test that the Irish Government now has. We cannot allow global tech bros to dictate our values when it comes to Palestine. It greatly concerns me that there have been indications that the Government is willing to do just that. Reports have indicated the occupied territories Bill will be, line for line, reworded and watered down so as not to damage Ireland’s corporate and diplomatic relations with the US. This is something we cannot tolerate.

This is our Dunnes Stores workers moment. It is something on which we must, as a country, step forward in unison, led by the Government and by what the previous Government said leading up to the last general election. I shared a media engagement with Senator Frances Black just before the election and, at that engagement, the outgoing Government said it would support the Bill, not that it would be reword it line by line. It is not following through on that. There can be no greater signal of solidarity with the Palestinian people, whose country is the size of Ireland, than delivering on the occupied territories Bill. Ireland is a small country and I do not think what it has done thus far to recognise a Palestinian state is unimportant. That was an important move and I am not denying it, but this is the moment and this is the Bill. This is what the Irish people want. They know the Bill about and they want their Government to support it and deliver on it.

We in the Labour Party believe our Government should work within the EU also. We have worked with some partner states but know the likes of Germany, the Netherlands and many other countries are standing firm. Ursula von der Leyen visited Israel in October 2023, after the events of 7 October, and stated, "I know how Israel responds will show how it is a democracy." No democracy should respond to an act of terrorism and violence in the way Israel has done since that day up to the ceasefire. If a country is to be a democracy and fly the flag of democracy, it needs to lead by example. That does not mean allowing itself to become insecure, nor does it mean disproportionate venom, vengeance and, indeed, genocide. Israel remains outside more international agreements than any other state. It is, by any measure, a rogue state. This is something Ireland has called out for many years, and it must continue to do so. However, we are now at a point where we need to take one step further and call the Israelis out.

They are a huge military. They are an active military inspired by vengeance. They are a nuclear power. They make the Middle East more insecure, not more secure. We in this country have power. We have a historical record of punching above our weight to use that oft-quoted phrase. We can do it by passing this Bill and building on the work we have done. This is an important moment for this new Government. If it follows what this motion and previous motions and what the Opposition and Senator Black have been saying for seven years, we could bring Irish foreign policy into a new better and braver space.

Marie Sherlock (Dublin Central, Labour)
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I will start by saying it is a great honour to be able to stand in the Dáil for the first time as a TD for Dublin Central and be able to contribute to this very important debate today. Before I speak directly to the motion, a Cheann Comhairle, I want to say that I know we are two months on from the election and it is very much in the rear-view mirror for many of us now. Many of us, though, are elected because of the nature of our proportional representation with a single transferable vote, PR-STV, electoral system. It reflects the political will of the broadest number of voters. At a time when democracy is fragile in so many countries and where the veracity of electoral outcomes is being questioned and undermined in so many places, it is worth acknowledging the importance of our electoral system and the results that it produces for our country.

I thank Sinn Féin for putting forward this motion this evening. For any of us, when we talk to people within our communities, it is hard to understate the depth of feeling and frustration that is felt by so many people about the failure by this Government and by the EU as a peace project to face down the genocide that is being perpetrated upon the people of Palestine at this point in time. Over the past 16 months, so many words of condemnation have been uttered in this Chamber, the Seanad and, indeed, chambers right across this world about the genocidal acts that are taking place by the Israeli Government against the people of Gaza and the Palestinian territories. However, those words did not save the lives of over 64,000 people who were killed. They did not save the lives of aid workers, journalists or medical workers who have been killed by targeted Israeli strikes. They did nothing for the 2 million people displaced into temporary camps, starving and forced to live in squalor. In five, ten or 20 years' time, when people ask us what we did, when our kids ask us what we did to end the slaughter, I fear all we will have are those words. We all know it is deeds, not words, that matter.

The reality is that the trade with the illegal settlements amounts to only €0.5 million to €1 million per year. It is a tiny fraction of the overall value of Irish-Israeli trade. Banning the trade of both goods and services from the illegal settlements is the very least we should be doing. Tonight, we should instead be talking about how to dismantle the EU-Israeli trade agreement and yet we are stuck in this place because the Government is afraid to make a brave decision. This Government has a decision to make. Does it want to be remembered as the Government that finally stood up to the plate, or as one that cowered because there is a bully in the White House or because there is a hostile environment towards those who are sympathetic to the Palestinian cause within the European Union? A bully in the White House who just last night issued an effective licence for the Israeli Government and its acolytes to go in and finish the job of ethnically cleansing the Gaza Strip; a job that they started 16 months ago.

I listened to the Taoiseach today talk about protecting jobs and protecting workers. We all want to protect jobs and workers, but at what cost? If he is truly saying that business in Ireland trumps everything else and is above people's human rights and their lives, then we have no moral ground to stand on. Indeed, it is the movement of workers, the trade union movement in this country, that has been to the fore in campaigning for the rights of the Palestinian people over many decades and has been supportive of Senator Black and all those campaigning for the enactments of the occupied territories Bill.

To put it in context when we talk about the prioritisation of jobs at all cost, in this country a food business is shut down if there is a food safety issue involving people's actual lives and that, of course, means the taking of jobs. A construction company would be taken to court and the directors barred if they were found to be engaged in serious breaches of health and safety legislation. That would be more jobs gone. However, when it comes to big business - when it comes to American business - we are told that we have to proceed with caution. It is simply unacceptable. For as long as our State hides behind words and plays up rhetoric about the hypothetical damage to trade, business and jobs, we have no moral ground to stand on.

Not only is this an issue for the Government in procrastinating on the occupied territories Bill, but there are also major questions here for the Central Bank of Ireland. Last year on 4 December, the Central Bank defended its licensing of the sale of Israeli bonds in this country - bonds that are actively sold and marketed as being designed to pay for the war in Gaza. The Central Bank of Ireland stated that it is not bound by the July ruling, the advisory opinion, of the International Court of Justice last year. I listened to the Tánaiste talk about the importance of that ruling.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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We move now to-----

Marie Sherlock (Dublin Central, Labour)
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It is absolutely unacceptable that the Central Bank would take that position.

Conor Sheehan (Limerick City, Labour)
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Hear, hear.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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-----the Social Democrats. I call Deputy Gibney.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. As this is my maiden speech, I would like to start by thanking my colleagues, supporters, friends, family and partner without whom I would not be here. I thank the people of Dublin Rathdown for giving me the honour of representing them in this Thirty-fourth Dáil. I worked hard to get their votes and I will work hard to serve them. I connected with many of them through canvassing and I will connect with many more of them through my constituency work. Táim buíoch as ucht na muiníne atá acu ionam. Déanfaidh mé mo dhícheall dóibh gach lá mar Teachta Dála.

People think of Dublin Rathdown as a homogenous area of affluence and political conservatism, but having campaigned across this constituency that is not my experience. I met many voters during the campaign who are struggling to make ends meet, who cannot access the most basic services they require to simply live lives of dignity and who are living in their childhood homes decades past their point of choosing because our national housing crisis is so entrenched. These people want to see change. They support a progressive left vision of governance for this country. As Social Democrats we share this vision - public services people can rely on, transparency and accountability in Government and political leadership and honesty in their representatives. The type of politics that will ultimately help this country to thrive.

The hallmarks of my time as a representative here will be integrity, honest and hard work. I will say things in this Chamber that I have considered, that I believe in and that are worthy of national debate. I will treat with respect and dignity all other Members, staff and the media in advancing my constituency and portfolio work. I am truly honoured that the first topic I speak on is the occupied territories Bill. I thank Sinn Féin for tabling this motion, and Senator Black and everybody who has worked for the past seven years on this particular Bill.

Our party, the Social Democrats, has stood firm on Palestine, pushing for Ireland to go beyond words and into actions. These actions must include the enactment of the occupied territories Bill and for the Irish Government to take every possible step to uphold the Genocide Convention and the ruling of the International Court of Justice in opposing illegal occupation and genocide. In the previous Dáil we tabled a motion calling for the Government to progress and enact the occupied territories Bill and in the twilight of the previous term, we offered up our Private Members' time to facilitate this. I am proud to be a member of a party that has followed through on our support of Palestine with real actions. Táim bródúil as ucht a bheith anseo inniu chun leanúint ar aghaidh leis an obair seo.

This country has a proud history in opposing apartheid and in defending principles of peace and human rights on the world stage. Ordinary people up and down this country want to see us honour that history. The connection the Irish people have with the people of Palestine runs deep. It comes from an understanding of occupation that many other European countries simply do not have. It sets us up to be leaders in this space and to show our fellow EU member states what it means to stand up and resist the occupier, the bully, the warmonger. We should have been the first country to recognise the State of Palestine. We should have been the first to go to the ICJ, and we should now be the first western country to bring about these meaningful sanctions. We must stand strong on the principle that it is wrong to trade in goods and services from illegally occupied land, and that is what this Bill does.

Anything less is a failure to fulfil our duties under international law, and a mandate of the Irish people, who have been overwhelmingly vocal on this issue. This is true whether it is in Ukraine, Western Sahara, the Golan Heights or Palestine. Is é an rud ceart le déanamh a bhí ann nuair a tugadh isteach an Bille um Chríocha faoi Urghabháil in 2018. It was the right thing when it passed Second Stage in 2019. Is é an rud ceart a bhí ann nuair a gealladh é i bhforógraí toghcháin in 2020 and 2024. It was the right thing last year when the Social Democrats tabled a motion calling for it to be progressed agus is é an rud ceart le déanamh atá ann anois.

In advancing this Bill, we must not be hindered by platitudes of economic consequences and disapproval from multinational corporations. Trade is a critical component of our economic stability but human life is not a bargaining chip. Our obligations under international law, laws that protect the rights of every person to live in peace and dignity, are paramount. If the Government wishes to trade away those obligations then I, on behalf of the Irish people, ask it to name what price exactly it plans to put on them. We are at a delicate time in our global history where the rules of international law that we all signed up to are under daily and increasing threat. World leaders are emboldened by the lack of sanction for the escalation of violence and occupation around the world. Leaders ranging from brutal dictators to the elected President of the United States are openly talking about the business and money to be made from the very worst atrocities that humanity is capable of. It is at times like these we must remember the principles international law is founded upon. The preamble to the UN Charter states:

WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED

to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and

to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and

to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained,

If we do not stand firm in upholding international law, in rejection of war, ethnic cleansing and genocide profiteering as legitimate business, we contribute to making a more dangerous, violent and brutal world.

Since my first day as a TD, my inbox has been full of people pleading with me and the rest of Dáil Éireann to progress the occupied territories Bill. The people of Ireland despair at the images and horror they have seen over the past year and a half and at the lack of action from their representatives. It is as disappointing today as it was at the height of South African apartheid to see the establishment dragging its heels while the Irish people take to the streets and demand that they do the right thing. I knocked on one door in the run-up to the election, which I will never forget. I met a family behind that door who had just stepped away from their dinner table, where they had collectively cried following what they had seen on the day's news in Gaza. That is why I am here tonight to support this motion to call for the progression of the occupied territories Bill and to call for saoirse don Phalaistín.

Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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Earlier today during Questions on Promised Legislation, I took the unusual step of actually asking about legislation that was promised. It was promised by the Taoiseach, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Micheál Martin, last November, when he told members of the Oireachtas foreign affairs committee that it would be a first priority of a new government to enact the occupied territories Bill. The same person was the leader of the then Fianna Fáil Government when they introduced Second Stage of the same legislation in Dáil Éireann in 2019, yet here we stand again today, with promises unmet, equivocation, lost words and mealy-mouthed excuses.

In the five years I was previously in Dáil Éireann, there was a time when we would not say the word "apartheid" when referring to Gaza and Palestine. We questioned whether Israel would bomb a hospital, and then it bombed every hospital and then it bombed every university. Now this morning we woke up to talk of ethnic cleansing. The President of the United States and the war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu stood on a stage and said that is exactly what they are going to do - the Riviera of the Middle East, and still we say nothing and are literally talking jobs. Those tyrants do not recognise any sort of weakness; it is about strength and the projection of their own confidence onto the world stage. There will come a time when we will all have to account for what we did. We are equivocating, we are meek, and all the while there is a people within this world, whom we have a connection with through our own struggles for freedom, who are being obliterated. All that the Opposition, including ourselves the Social Democrats, and Sinn Féin in bringing forward its motion tonight, is asking is asking the Government parties to do what they promised and do what they stood in front of the Irish people and said for the causes that we understand, yet we stand here and act like we are superior. That is not diplomacy; that is a failure of diplomacy.

Liam Quaide (Cork East, Social Democrats)
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I thank Sinn Féin for tabling the motion. The time for enacting the occupied territories Bill was six years ago, when it was introduced to the Dáil by Deputy Niall Collins, fully supported at the time by his Fianna Fáil colleagues - a very stark contrast with the scene of desertion on the Fianna Fáil benches this evening. The vote in 2019 was a resounding success with 78 in favour to 45 against. It was democracy in action.

We often hear from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael about threats to our democracy from the far right or from Vladimir Putin, which are entirely legitimate concerns, yet they have in this instance facilitated a blatant interference in our democratic process by US and Israeli diplomats. Prior to the recent general election, the Government engaged in a bad-faith exercise, leading the public on with this Bill. The Tánaiste announced in August he would seek fresh legal advice on the Bill from the Attorney General following the International Court of Justice ruling on the illegality of the Israeli settlements. This advice took many weeks to materialise but at the end of October, he announced he was lifting the money message obstruction applied to the Bill. Soon after the election, however, as Taoiseach, he struck a very different tone, characterising the Bill as deeply flawed and suggesting that new legislation would need to be drawn up. It is very clear that the tactic is to go back to the very beginning of the process, drag it out for years, hope that the genocide in Gaza stops and that Palestine becomes much less of an electoral issue. It is utterly cynical and dishonest. We know from a range of law experts that this Bill is legally sound. What is stopping it is political cowardice in the face of diplomatic interference in our democracy.

Rory Hearne (Dublin North-West, Social Democrats)
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I commend the tireless work of people across this country in the Palestine solidarity movement and the many groups that have held vigils, protests and fund-raisers for Palestine. Their genuine and active solidarity stands in contrast to Governments that dithered, delayed and now are abandoning the implementation of the occupied territories Bill. This Bill is an important act of solidarity and meaningful action that the people of Gaza and the West Bank really need right now. It has been the action of the Irish public that has pushed the Government into taking actions like recognising the State of Palestine. That public will continue their campaign until the occupied territories Bill is enacted in full. We in the Social Democrats completely support them.

Let there be no mistake about it: our common humanity and the international human rights rule of law lie broken and buried beneath the rubble of Gaza. Tens of thousands of children, women and men were massacred by the Israeli Government - children bombed while playing with their toys, bombed while crying in their parents' arms. Each of the 62,000 people killed had their own story and their own life. As the poet and academic, Refaat Alareer, wrote, who was killed:

If I must die,

you must live

to tell my story

Each of the 2 million people who are trying to rebuild their lives in Gaza has their own right to live their story, as do the entire people of the West Bank. The question for Ireland is: why we are not showing true acts of solidarity that we can achieve such as enacting this Bill? Why are we allowing our airspace still to be used to transit munitions that are being used by the Israeli army? We have to rebuild our common humanity and make real our obligations and responsibilities under international human rights law and agreements. I call on the Government not to do a U-turn, not to abandon its electoral commitments, and to enact the occupied territories Bill.

Aidan Farrelly (Kildare North, Social Democrats)
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I thank colleagues in Sinn Féin for tabling the motion this evening. During a recent UN Security Council meeting, a humanitarian affairs co-ordinator stated that a generation of children has been left traumatised. I would like to focus my contribution on the children and young people of Gaza and the West Bank. Some 17,000 children have died since October 2023. The entire population of children in County Offaly is 17,000.

At the same Security Council meeting, members received reports that children were beginning to allow themselves to dream again. They dreamt of going back to school, playing with their friends and not hearing constant shelling. These simple dreams are made more impossible since 88% of school buildings have been damaged by Israeli bombing. There is a generation of children in Gaza and Palestine who know only displacement, familial separation, terror and loss. Yet, they still dare to dream of a future where they can play with their friends and go to school.

When I read reports that the Taoiseach and his Government intend to scrap the occupied territories Bill, I was genuinely speechless. Notwithstanding the potential diplomatic consequences of what might come next, it is time to enact that Bill. It is imperative that we do so. It is all too easy to talk about what we cannot change and cannot do. Enacting the Bill is something tangible we can and should do. When the day comes that this genocide ends, when the children of Gaza and Palestine get to dream again and to be children again, they deserve our solidarity.

Charles Ward (Donegal, 100% Redress Party)
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I fully support the motion and its call to progress the occupied territories Bill and ban all trade with Israelis' illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories. The Bill has been blocked for nearly seven years. In that time, tens of thousands of Palestinian lives have been lost. More than 2 million people have been forcibly displaced. Many Palestinians face life-changing injuries. Thousands of Palestinian children have been murdered and have died due to hunger, lack of shelter, medication and hospital facilities, and the complete destruction of their living areas. It is disgusting what has gone on.

Israel is guilty of war crimes and it must be held accountable. Yet, we continue to trade with it. The illegal Israeli settlements make that country financially viable while the Palestinians starve to death. Words are not enough. I ask the Government not to backtrack on its election promise on the occupied territories Bill. We cannot dilute or delay legislation any longer. We must respect international law. We must take a stand and hold Israel accountable for its war crimes. We must support the people of Palestine and their need. Now is the time. The Government must fulfil its promise and pass the occupied territories Bill.

Brian Stanley (Laois, Independent)
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The occupied territories Bill must be passed as a matter of urgency. We need to stop the fooling around about it. The terrorist State of Israel has carried out a campaign of genocide against the Palestinian people. There are almost 50,000 dead in Gaza alone, an estimated 10,000 buried beneath the rubble, hundreds of thousands of people injured and lives ruined. Most of Gaza lies in ruins, including schools, hospitals, homes, other buildings and infrastructure.

Having reluctantly agreed to a ceasefire, the Israeli Government of Netanyahu expressed its intentions to restart the campaign of slaughter and destruction at the first opportunity it gets. In reality, of course, it never stopped. The terrorist state continues its war on the people of the West Bank, as we have seen in recent days. The Government of Israel must be forced to face the consequences of its terrorist actions. This State must play its part. We have to stand up this time for humanity and for the right reasons. The International Court of Justice ruled that all states should not "[enter] into economic or trade dealings with Israel... [concerning the] Occupied Palestinian Territory or parts thereof which may entrench [Israel's] unlawful presence in the territory". That is very clear.

Senator Frances Black introduced the Bill that needs to be passed back in 2018. That is seven years ago. We need to move on with it. Seven years later, we cannot keep fooling around about it. The Bill must be passed now. It will ban all trading of goods and services from the occupied Palestinian territories. We must ban trade in services as well; there can be no backsliding on that. Fianna Fáil gave a commitment to act in 2019 when it introduced a similar Bill. Prior to the recent election, both Micheál Martin and Simon Harris expressed their support for it. Now, apparently, they are changing their mind. The apartheid regime in South Africa was brought to its knees through sanctions. We should do the same with Israel in respect of goods coming from the occupied territories.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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We must use this debate to burst the myth being peddled by the Government that we have to start the occupied territories Bill from scratch. This is a tactic being used by Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Independents to avoid doing something that, before the recent general election, they all indicated they would do. Senator Frances Black's occupied territories Bill needs some amendment. Nobody disputes that. Senator Black does not dispute it. That can be done via amendment on Committee and Report Stages. Bills are amended every single day in this House. We added multiple entirely new sections to the planning Bill in the previous Dáil. Three years ago, we dealt with more than 1,000 amendments to the Birth Information and Tracing Act.

However, the Ministers of this Government have made a choice and that is not to pass any occupied territories Bill. Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Independents have made a clear choice, and it is the exact opposite choice to what they told people in the general election. They do not want to admit this publicly, so they are bringing forward the smokescreen that they must start again with the Bill. People see through that in the same way they saw through the stroke on Opposition speaking time. They see the clear U-turn it represents. Ministers should drop the smokescreen and pass the Bill.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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Last night, in the latest ravings of Donald Trump, we got a threat by the US President on television to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, namely, the crime of ethnic cleansing. Donald Trump should now be indicted by the International Criminal Court for saying what Netanyahu told the world he was going to do before he started the Gaza genocide when his Government threatened publicly to commit genocide against the people of Gaza. The world stood by and did nothing. We continued to treat the Israeli state as if it is a normal state, maintaining relations with it, continuing to trade with it and being part of a European Union that arms it to the teeth. Are Government members going to go over and hand a bowl of shamrock to that monster in the White House who is threatening to ethnically cleanse 2 million Palestinians and is arming the regime that is committing genocide?

The least the Government can do is pass the occupied territories Bill. In fact, we need to go a lot further. Just like apartheid South Africa, this terrorist regime must be cast out of the community of civilised nations. The Government must kick out the ambassador and all diplomatic personnel, stop the US military using Shannon and cut off all trade with this regime, or it has not a semblance of humanity.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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Over the past 16 months, millions of people have had their eyes opened to awful things about the world we live in, about the apartheid nature of the Israeli state, about the oppression, displacement and discrimination faced by Palestinians on a daily basis, about the deep depravity of the capitalist, imperialist system we live in, where Palestinian life is, in effect, worthless, and about the complicity of much of the world's media, which whitewashed a genocide that unfolded before their and our eyes. Another thing people have had their eyes opened to is the deep cynicism and hypocrisy of politicians who promised one thing before an election only to scrap it immediately afterwards; politicians who speak lofty words about human rights and then prioritise the right of profit of corporations.

Micheál Martin and Simon Harris stood in the elections and in the leaders' debate and said they will pass the occupied territories Bill. Now, they are planning to gut it. They hide behind the language of needing to do this lawfully. It is a nonsense and they know it is a nonsense. I will tell them why it is a nonsense. They have rested their whole basis for doing this on the ICJ opinion. That is why they said last year, all of a sudden, that they could do it. In fact, the ICJ makes no distinction whatsoever between goods and services. This has nothing to do with legality. It is about power. It is about bowing down to US corporations and it is about shamefully bowing down to Donald Trump. Absolute shame on them.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I welcome the time to make my points. I thank Sinn Féin. It is an obscenity that we are here today. In truth, what we know is that 61,762 people are dead or missing. We are here today when the leader of the free world has told us he is going to take over Gaza yet, in a speech of five pages, there is not a mention of what President Trump said last night. I have difficulty calling him “President Trump” given he is somebody who has clearly said he is going to invade and take over Gaza. When Russia did that to Ukraine, we had no problem with condemnatory language, and that went for every single person in the Chamber. It is extraordinary that the language that is used here includes words like “disheartening” in regard to declaring UNRWA an illegal organisation and has no mention of Trump whatsoever when he is about to carry out a second Nakba.

Only that we have a duty to speak here, we would give up. How long can we go on using and misusing language in this manner? At what stage will we make our words mean something? That is what we have been asked for. We have a programme for Government that has turned language on its head. It talks about progressing the Bill as opposed to enacting the Bill. We have no difficulty with language when we say we will change the triple lock but we will “progress” the Bill.

I appeal to Members to listen to a former army man from Israel who has turned peace activist and formed a number of organisations. People should listen to what he said today on “Drivetime”, where he could not have been more reasonable and rational.

We are here today despite Amnesty International in 2018 having issued a report that told us Israel was operating a vile apartheid regime. Whether the Palestinians lived in Gaza, East Jerusalem or the West Bank, they were all being subjected to the same. What did the Dáil do? It ignored it. What did we do when the six human rights organisations were declared illegal? We did nothing.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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The Deputy’s time is up.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I will stop in mid-sentence because my two colleagues want to come in.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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I think everybody found it surreal and, I am sure, bloodcurdling - anybody with a humanitarian bone in their body - to hear the President of the US sitting beside his open fire, announcing his intention to carry out the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and announcing the intention of the US to get a slice of the action in Gaza for his real estate profiteering, with Netanyahu, the wanted war criminal, sitting beside him. It is critical that we do not allow the normalising of genocide, ethnic cleansing and increased oppression. This is the leader of the biggest capitalist nation in the world blithely saying these things. They have announced the preparedness of the oligarchs to ravage the world for profit and to walk over the globe as they see fit. It is not being called out either through spinelessness or through people waiting to see what the response of the people is. I think they have declared a war on human rights and democracy.

Three things are clear: we need to pass the occupied territories Bill; nobody whatsoever from this Dáil should go to the White House; and nobody should greenwash Trump and give him any flag or cover to hide what he stands for. Our Government and all political parties should make that clear. It is critical that we increase the opposition movement and the protest movement that has been the only saving grace on behalf of the Palestinian people, and I know the Palestinian people themselves will also resist. We must stop the use of Shannon by US troops and soldiers who are walking through there every day while genocide is being planned. There is absolutely no place for cowardice or for thinking President Trump does not mean what he says and that it will not actually be as bad. We have heard of the reported love-bombing that was the initial Government strategy to deal with him. He is a war criminal. He should not be dealt with.

Séamus Healy (Tipperary South, Independent)
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I thank Sinn Féin for bringing forward the motion. I compliment and thank all those individuals and organisations throughout the country that are supporting the Palestinian cause, including Clonmel Friends of Palestine in my home town, who have been raising awareness, holding vigils and raising funds for the Palestinian Children's Relief Fund, as well as other groups in the constituency in Carrick-on-Suir, Cashel and Tipperary town.

The situation in the occupied Palestinian territories is unsustainable. It is an illegal occupation. Some 3.3 Palestinians are corralled into approximately 40% of the West Bank. Israel retains full control of the rest of the area, with approximately 700,000 Israelis living in illegal settlements, and with more to come.

Ireland has the opportunity to lead the international community by passing the occupied territories Bill and it should do so immediately, without delay. In 1987, Ireland became the first country in the western world to legislate for a complete ban on the importation of South African goods following the bravery of the Dunnes Stores strikers. We can lead in the same way today by ensuring that Ireland is not complicit in the oppression of Palestinians by engaging in trade or investment with the occupied territories.

The Bill itself is entirely in accordance with international law. The International Criminal Court has found that the State has a duty to abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the occupied territories. It further goes on to say that all states are under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel's illegal presence in the occupied Palestinian territories. We should pass the Bill immediately, without delay.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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Míle buíochas le Sinn Féin as an rún seo. The State of Israel has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity. The UN special committee to investigate Israeli practices has said that Israel's war on Gaza is consistent with the characteristics of genocide. Some 70% of all people who have been killed in Gaza were women and children, and the figure is even higher for non-combatants. Aontú urges the Government to recognise that the ethnic cleansing of parts of Gaza, the banning of food, water and medical aid, the countless massacres and the countless schools and hospitals that have been bombed are war crimes.

Aontú believes in self-determination. All nations should have the right to self-determine. Self-determination is a basic democratic right. It is not a philosophical question for the people of Ireland. Self-determination has been an existential question for Ireland for many generations. That is why generations of Irish republicans sought to fight for freedom against the British Empire 100 years ago and it is why parties such as Aontú believe in the full independence of the Thirty-two Counties of Ireland.

Occupation is the denial of self-determination. The occupation of Gaza and the West Bank is absolutely wrong. No one should profit from Israel's occupation of Palestine. No one should profit from the denial of self-determination to a whole people. Yet, that is what this regime is allowing to happen at the moment. Doing business with those who illegally occupy another country reinforces that occupation. Doing business with those who deny self-determination to a people is complicity with the denial of a democratic human right.

We fully support the occupied territories Bill to ban trade with Israel's illegal settlements and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill to ban Irish State investment in entities complicit with the illegal settlements enterprises. Further, we will support all calls for an EU-wide ban on trade with illegal settlements.

Aontú believes that Ireland should in no way give to the Israeli war machine. We seek to make sure that Irish airspace and airports are devoid of the transit of weapons components, tech surveillance and any other items that help the Israeli war machine to maintain its illegal occupation and commit war crimes against the people of Palestine. We believe sanctions are an important part of international pressure and this should mean the end of dual-use items that are often used for both military and civilian use by Israel. We believe there should be the conducting of ethics audits to ensure that Irish public institutions are in no way complicit or co-operative with links in regard to the occupation of Palestine. We need to do all we can to save lives and maintain human rights.

Freedom of speech has come under pressure in many western countries in recent times as people have started to use that speech in the defence of the people of the occupied territories and Gaza.

Aontú is a party with a very strong belief in freedom of speech. Aontú also completely opposes the vicious violence of Hamas. We believe that there must be the peaceful coexistence offered by a two-state solution in the region in the future.

I am often asked why the Irish people feel such a sense of solidarity with the people of Palestine. The truth is that many, if not most, Irish people see themselves in the eyes of the people of Palestine. Irish people understand that our history allows to us to see that living next door to a large, brutal military regime has enormous consequences for civilians as well. It is really important that the Government starts to recognise the fact that we cannot continue to allow for those responsible for illegal occupation and illegal settlements to profit from trade with Ireland. Peace cannot be built without justice, and justice is a foundation stone of any future peaceful settlement between Israel and Palestine. Illegal occupation and illegal settlements are the polar opposite of justice. Enforced illegal settlements are a form of violence. They are a source of grievance, strife and provocation. The question that this Government faces is how we can use our influence to bring about justice in the region. How can we use our influence to bring about peace there? The only way we can do it is through the use of the euro and economic tools.

I urge the Government not to renege on the promises it gave to the Irish people just six or seven weeks ago regarding the occupied territories Bill and to fulfil its obligation, while it has the opportunity, to do right by the people of Palestine. The Government has an opportunity to put action behind the words it has used for so long with regard to what is happening in Gaza and Palestine.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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It is now more than six years since the occupied territories Bill was sponsored by Senator Frances Black. Before the election, I welcomed that the Government indicated support, in some shape or form, but now, like others, I am extremely worried that this Bill might not proceed further or might be watered down in such a way as to be rendered meaningless. It is one thing to hone the legislation in terms of what is legally possible within an Irish or EU context; it is quite another to amend or abolish it because of cowering to threats or misinformation and disinformation emanating from various bad actors continents apart, be it Netanyahu, President Trump, Elon Musk or anyone else. We have an obligation.

I am delighted that Senator Frances Black was returned to Seanad Éireann to keep the pressure on and continue what she told me had been up to now a positive and constructive engagement in terms of passing a Bill that would send out the right message but that would also have a meaningful impact. This is extremely simple legislation aimed at banning Irish trade with Israel's illegal settlements in the West Bank - nothing more, nothing less.

As previous speakers stated, much more needs to be done. Focusing on the subject matter, however, it is obvious that Israel has never had sovereignty over the West Bank. Despite this, it has facilitated the planting of an estimated 500,000 settlers across decades. In many instances, this has been done in a targeted, strategic way aimed at subjugating the Palestinian population and creating corridors that make the establishment of an independent, autonomous Palestinian state increasingly difficult. We know that initially this was for strategic, possibly defensive, reasons. The so-called Area C, controlled by Israel, has now been propagated for blatant, fundamentalist, religious and Zionist reasons. It is a case of "God's will - we are the chosen people to occupy this land". This wrong has been highlighted many times over the years, certainly before the events of the past 18 months when more than 60,000 Palestinians have been massacred by the Israeli army in Gaza. The vast majority of those people were innocent adults. A very large and horrific number of those indiscriminately murdered were children. Others have referenced the way they have died and suffered. Those who have been maimed have been sentenced to a different but equally horrific type of life. This wrong was highlighted a long time ago, even before a certain narcissistic person came up with the outrageous, inhumane and farcical Riviera proposal involving mass ethnic cleansing. That proposal is said individual's version of "go hifreann nó go Connacht", or to hell or to Egypt. Those who are called out in respect of this type of behaviour have used and will use any threat or lie to deflect from what they have done and what they continue to do.

When I was a councillor, I opposed motions seeking the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador. I saw such a move as counterproductive and thought it sent the wrong message. How can someone be held to account if they cannot be called to account face to face? Of course, then the Israeli Government decided to do this themselves and slur Ireland as an antisemitic country, doing a grave dishonour to the millions exterminated by the brutal Nazi regime for the sake of scoring political points.

We are simply a people who have experience of being brutalised. We have seen colonisation and brutalisation for what they are at first hand. We have experienced both and we empathise with the Palestinian people. Equally, and it has to be said in this context and in this Chamber, we have no axe to grind with Israel or the Israelis. We recognise that no life is worth less than another. Like many others, I condemn outright the Hamas attacks on 7 October 2023, the murder of innocent Israeli people and the taking of hostages. I condemn their equally fundamentalist ideology of hatred that seeks the total annihilation of Israel. I feel for the suffering of Israeli families whose loved ones have been taken. I recognise the right of the Israeli state to exist and to condemn antisemitism in all its forms. Like my colleagues, I welcome that some of the hostages have been released and that there is a ceasefire. We have to call a spade a spade, however. The way that Israel has retaliated is morally wrong. Before its retaliation, the illegal occupation of the West Bank, which continues, was morally wrong. If we condemn these illegal settlements and their methodical progress, we have an obligation to do everything in our power to stop them being supported economically, which is what is proposed in this simple Bill.

Like others, I hope for a day of peace and reconciliation in this troubled region. In the meantime, this Bill sends a clear and unambiguous message. What the Israeli state is doing is wrong. Whether it is a two-state, a one-state or a multi-state solution, we will support whatever type of solution gives rise to peaceful coexistence. Until then, we have to call out the Israelis for their atrocities. We love the Israeli people; we hate the regime.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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I appreciate the opportunity to contribute to this extremely timely and important debate. Before I speak to the motion, I commend the Deputies present who made their maiden speeches, particularly Deputy Gibney, with whom I share a constituency. I thank the Deputies for the heartfelt issues and genuine concerns raised by all Deputies. Regardless of whether they agree with the Government or what they think of it, we should all be able to join together in absolute condemnation of the violence and suffering in the Middle East.

The priority the Irish public affords this issue has come through crystal clear in this debate. In that regard, I am proud of the role that Ireland's humanitarian and development assistance plays in making a real difference on the ground in Palestine. I assure Deputies that this will remain a key priority for me as the newly appointed Minister of State with responsibility for this area in the Department of Foreign Affairs.

As has been highlighted during the debate and in the countermotion tabled by the Government, we are at a particularly fragile and critical moment for this particular conflict. Like all others in this House, I welcome the agreement reached on the ceasefire and hostage release deal that has already led to the release of hostages. The immediate focus of the international community must be on the successful implementation of all phases of this agreement. It is also vital that we have a clear vision of how to forge a pathway between the so-called day after in Gaza and a sustainable peace based on the two-state solution.

Support for the two-state solution and for the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination lay at the heart of Ireland's recognition of Palestine in May of last year. I assure this House that it will remain at the heart of this Government's approach. Supporting the immediate humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people and working with the Palestinian Authority to support its efforts to reform and build its institutional capacity are key pillars of the Government's response.

The hostage release and ceasefire deal has led to a much needed increase in the volume of critical humanitarian assistance entering Gaza.

However, the scale of need remains absolutely enormous. The heinous and barbaric death toll has exceeded more than 47,000 people and the level of destruction from the conflict is so severe that the majority of people in Gaza require significant assistance in multiple areas. I am appalled by the destruction we have seen and I join with everyone in the condemnation of it.

Overall, Ireland has provided more than €51 million in support of the Palestinian people since October 2023. This includes €38 million in core support to UNRWA, as well as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Food Programme and others. Our humanitarian response is not only about funding but is also about the direct delivery of practical supports and solution. In Ireland's rapid response initiative, 116 tonnes of relief supplies have been provided. Ireland has also provided three pallets of medical blood to the EU civil protection mechanism for the Egyptian health authorities. We have assisted in the medical evacuation of people from Gaza and we have sent officials and aid workers from Ireland to work directly in co-ordinating the response on the ground. In addition, funding has been provided to Irish NGOs, Plan International and Oxfam through the humanitarian acute crisis scheme.

This, however, is not just about words but it is about actual tangible action that is responding to the absolute horrific unfolding crisis that we see in Gaza. Ireland is playing its part, is delivering and can and absolutely will do more. We are aware, however, that in the context of what is happening on the ground, for so many, that it is simply not enough, such is the scale of the atrocity.

As the Tánaiste set out, against the backdrop of the ceasefire and hostage release deal, we are seeing a long overdue scaling up of humanitarian aid entering Gaza, yet, at the same time, the Israeli legislation on UNRWA has entered into force. This will have far-reaching consequences for UNRWA's operations in the West Bank including East Jerusalem and in Gaza.

I want to reiterate the Government's deep concern at these actions by the Israeli Government and to underline that Ireland has been a long- standing supporter of UNRWA. We will continue to support its life saving mandate as well as building the capacity of the Palestinian state to respond. The Government is also working to build consensus at EU and at international level to support the implementation of a negotiated two-state solution and a lasting peace process. The two-state solution is the only just and sustainable peaceful solution for both Palestinians and Israelis. The Government has also intensified Ireland's international engagement with our involvement in the important work of the new global alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution, which was launched during the UN High-level meeting in New York. We are committed to using all of the tools at our disposal, political, legal, diplomatic and humanitarian, to respond to the conflict and to work towards achieving these aims.

It is important that we have taken the opportunity to reflect that the Government's overarching approach, which is clearly reflected in the countermotion tabled by the Government. I will, however, take a moment to return to the specific issue addressed in the Sinn Féin motion. I regret that in approaching this issue it focused solely on the domestic landscape while neglecting the very clear role that Ireland has played in shaping the international legal landscape. Ireland strongly supported the request by the General Assembly for this advisory opinion in December 2022 and subsequently made submissions and shared its legal analysis in written and oral submissions to the court. Our core objective in making submissions was to encourage the court to clarify the rights of the Palestinian people in international law. The ICJ's advisory opinion did just that. The court's principal conclusion was that Israel's continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territories was unlawful and that it must be brought to an end as rapidly as possible. The court also identified a range of legal obligations for all states arising from that situation. These include a duty not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the illegal situation created by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory. While the ICJ's advisory opinion is not in itself legally binding, it represents an authoritative statement of applicable international law which is binding on all states and international organisations. For this reason, Ireland co-sponsored and voted in favour of the General Assembly resolution giving practical effect to the findings of the advisory opinion in September of last year.

The programme for Government is clear in its commitment to progressing legislation to bolster its influence in the occupied Palestinian territories. We make no apology for progressing this in a measured and rigorous fashion.

A number of points have been made by Opposition Members, as they are entitled to do, and I would like to respond to them. I am going to respond to Deputy Gogarty first because it was the final contribution and it was relatively fair and constructive. Like him, I also welcomed the re-election of my friend and colleague, Senator Frances Black, to the Upper House. We sat together in the Upper House and on the Brexit committee and we have worked together on a number of issues. I absolutely stick by the actuality of what the Government's position is, rather than what the claims of what that position that have been made across the Chamber and, indeed, in the media. The clear concerns of the Government as outlined in respect of this legislation remain. The Government has identified those and has identified that very serious work needs to occur to make this legislation legal, enforceable and actionable. We have to be quite clear that we want to operate in an environment that is upheld to be legal. It is not just about making the point, which is well made and which I empathise and do not disagree with, but we have to ensure that what is passed from a legislative point of view actually stands up to the rigours of European and international law. That is a clear point to debate that I would like to underline in the interest of being constructive rather than combative over what is overall an horrific issue.

In parallel, I assure with the House that the Government will also continue to press for action at EU level in light of the advisory opinion. For all of these reasons, the Government does not support the motion tabled by Sinn Féin and instead commends its countermotion to the House.

In closing, I want to express my heartfelt hope that all phases of the ceasefire and hostage release deal will be fully and successfully implemented for the sake of ordinary Israeli and Palestinian people alike, those who we hold closest in our minds through all of these discussions. It is vital, however, that compliance with international law lies at the heart of all of our responses and it is also my very firm hope that the voice of the international community will be heard in its clear support for the two-state solution. I assure the House that Ireland will remain firm and vocal on these issues.

Shónagh Ní Raghallaigh (Kildare South, Sinn Fein)
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I rise today with deep gratitude and I want to begin by stating a chéad míle fáilte and ár mbuíochas to my dad Declan, mo pháistí Síog, Déaglán, Féile agus Luán, my brother Ciarán and all of those in Kildare South constituency who voted for me, and mo chairde, my Palestinian comrades and my republican family, the Grey Abbey Martyrs Sinn Féin Cumann in Kildare, for their unwavering support in bringing me here. It is because of their belief, hard work and bhur muinín ionam that I stand in this Chamber today. I stand proudly before them as Sinn Féin TD for south Kildare determined to be a strong voice for my community.

If these were normal times, in my maiden speech, I would be speaking to the House about how I will fight tirelessly for infrastructure we urgently need in south Kildare, for better transport links, as a múinteoir for school places, and for the right of every child, especially those in special schools, to receive the education and support they deserve be that as Gaeilge or as Béarla. Of course I will do that but these are not normal times.

We are currently in the midst of a genocide perpetrated by Israel, which has slaughtered tens of thousands of Palestinian and counting. Ó mhí Dheireadh Fómhair 2023, táim tar éis a bheith ag seasamh seachtain i ndiaidh seachtaine leis na sluaite i gcoinne an chinedhiothaithe atá á dhéanamh ar mhuintir na Palaistíne. Sheas mé ag Aerfort na Sionainne ag éileamh go gcuirfí deireadh le húsáid náireach ár n-aerspáis chun armlón a iompar a mharaíonn na mílte Palaistínigh. Seasaim anois os bhur gcomhair sa Dáil ag iarraidh ar na Comhaltaí an Bille seo a reáchtáil. Gheall an rialtas deireanach seasamh leis an bPalaistín agus an Bille um chríocha gafa a rith ach tugadh an gealltanas sin nuair a bhí an rialtas sin sa tóir ar vótaí. Now, when it matters most, the Government has turned its back choosing cowardice over courage, complicity over conscience. Ni fhéadfaimid tír neodrach a ghlaoch orainn agus muid ag éascú an chogaidh seo. Tá stair bhródúil againn mar thír a bhíonn ag seasamh le daoine atá faoi chois. D'fhéach an domhan orainn tráth mar chomhartha dlúthpháirtíochta. Cad a déarfaidh an stair fúinn anois? Ní píosa reachtaíochta amháin atá san occupied territories Bill. Is tástáil é ar ár moráltacht, ár bhflaitheas agus ár n-aontacht. Impím ar an Rialtas seo misneach a bheith aige, a bheith cróga agus cloí lena ghealltanas agus seasamh a ghlacadh le muintir na Palaistíne. Tá comhoibriú forleathan ag teastáil chun an cheist seo a réiteach. Is rud níos mó ná an pholaitíocht é mar is ceist dhaonnachta í seo. Mar sin, is fúinn go léir í. Tá sé in am beart a dhéanamh de réir a bhriathair. Gabhaim buíochas leis an gCeann Comhairle.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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I would like to thank the hundreds and thousands of Irish people who have marched through the streets of the Thirty-two Counties of Ireland in support of the Palestinian people. The occupied territories legislation would ban all trade, including services, with Israeli illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories and in east Jerusalem. It would send a clear message to the apartheid and genocidal regime that there are real consequences for its murderous slaughter of tens of thousands of men, women and children and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from their lands and their homes, and the stealing of their homes and land on a daily basis. We are not just talking about the stealing of land in 1947; we are talking about land being stolen as we stand here today. Land is being robed every single day by the Zionists and supported by the Israeli Government and Israeli army. Just as with its housing targets, the Government has also lied to the people about its intention to progress this Bill. Let us call this Government's election promise what it is: a lie.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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It is not.

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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Sadly, the Government could have progressed the occupied territories Bill in the last seven years. Now it suddenly decides that we now have to look at it again and we have to reword it. I call it out for what it is.

Neale Richmond (Dublin Rathdown, Fine Gael)
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No, you cannot do that.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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The Deputy may-----

Paul Donnelly (Dublin West, Sinn Fein)
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Untruth, mistruth, whatever way we want to word it. We all know exactly what we are talking about here. The comments overnight by the American President have shocked the entire world - the horror of a world leader openly talking about ethnic cleansing a whole population for his developer friends in the US and Israel should be a line in the sand for the other world leaders, including those in this Government.

The EU acted decisively when Ukraine was attacked and occupied by Putin and Russia. It is now time to use those same arguments and logic to act against the Israeli apartheid regime. In this Parliament, we have had a Ukrainian flag from the very day that Ukraine was occupied. Where is the Palestinian flag? Where is the support for the Palestinian people shown clearly in this Parliament?

Most of the world stood by and watched genocide take place in Gaza. Even today the world stands by as the brutal Israeli military machine attacks the West Bank. I watched a video last night showing dozens of bombs going off simultaneously in the Jenin camp which is as heavily built up as Gaza is. I do not know how many people were killed in those attacks last night and we probably never will know. We will never know the number of people who have been killed in Gaza because many of them are still buried beneath that rubble. How bizarre that the State can turn a blind eye and trade with a state that is before the International Criminal Court for genocide while at the same time joining in that case.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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From both the Minister of State and the Minister, Deputy Harris, we have heard lots of fine words from the Government benches. There is a lot of talk about the things that have been done. I will not gainsay that some of what the Government has done has been important. Some of that came about because of Opposition pressure and public pressure, but no doubt there was motivation from people in government to do the right thing as well.

However, much of what we have heard tonight is dancing around the issue. This motion relates to the occupied territories Bill and it has not fundamentally addressed what is happening here. The Government cannot expect us or the Irish public to believe that black is white. The Minister of State cannot say the Government is as committed as ever when Ministers, including the Taoiseach and Tánaiste, have clearly said there would have to be a new Bill. It is very clear from the Government amendment that it is walking away from the proposition to ban trade in services. The Minister of State has not addressed that.

I have heard the Minister of State and the Tánaiste speak about technical issues and legal issues, and trying to create some kind of distinction. I have no problem - nor does Senator Frances Black or anyone else - in navigating issues. Of course it has to be legally sound. That is not the objection. The Minister of State has not addressed the objection here. A euro, a dollar, a pound or whatever that is gained in trade in services is the exact same as a euro, a dollar or a pound gained in goods. As most Irish trade comes through services, why are we making this distinction?

The Minister of State put considerable emphasis on Ireland's role in pushing the International Court of Justice and the need for a definitive decision on that. The International Court of Justice said there is no distinction to be made. The Minister of State may dispute this, but it is very hard to conclude anything other than the Government is changing course. It had opportunities to clarify this. Before the election we had the Tánaiste and Taoiseach, in reverse positions at the time, stating that they were committed to the occupied territories Bill. No distinction was made at that time.

Since then, not only are we now talking about a new Bill, but all the wording including the amendment here today talks about a watered-down Bill which is essentially flying on one wing. In talking about the substance of this, the Minister of State and the Tánaiste were very keen to emphasise that we must do this, we must do that, and it must be right and effective. It must be right, it must be effective and it must carry the substance of the International Court of Justice decision. For it to be effective it should not exclude half of the purpose or perhaps more than that depending on what trade comes out of the occupied territories.

I believe this will not be voted on for a week and a half. I urge the Minister of State and the Government to reconsider their position. If the Government is committed to the purpose, even if as the Minister of State says technical changes need to be made, I am sure that engagement can be sought on that. That is the purpose of Committee Stage and Report Stage. The Government should reconsider its position and allow a substantive debate on it instead of bringing in a weakened Bill that is not even committed to the same objectives and ultimately I think will fail to meet the needs that are there. While this is not the only element of the policy, this matters because for international law to be applied, sanctions need to be applied. We cannot ignore half the picture when it comes to sanctions which is what the Government is proposing to do.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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In accordance with Standing Order 80(2), the division is postponed until the weekly division next week.