Dáil debates

Tuesday, 20 February 2024

Second Anniversary of War in Ukraine: Statements

 

4:50 pm

Photo of Catherine ConnollyCatherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I welcome the ambassador of Ukraine. Céad míle fáilte roimpi.

I appreciate the opportunity to participate in this important debate as we mark the second anniversary of Russia's unprovoked, illegal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Over the past 24 months, indescribable suffering has been inflicted on the people of Ukraine. Millions have been forced to flee their homes, thousands have been killed and thousands more, including children, have been kidnapped, tortured or arbitrarily imprisoned by Russian forces. Villages, towns and even entire cities have been completely destroyed in the fighting that continues unabated on a daily basis. Two years on, tragically, it seems that we are no closer to peace. President Putin has shown no sign of wanting to end this war. Through his words and actions, he has made it abundantly clear that he has no intention of negotiating in good faith and clings to his baseless imperialist claim on sovereign Ukrainian territory.

Ukraine faces overwhelming challenges. Daily drone and missile strikes against Kyiv and other major cities and ports have intensified since December. Russian bombardments are indiscriminate and do not distinguish between military targets and civilian infrastructure. Their sole objective is to inflict maximum damage and break the spirit of the Ukrainian people; yet, Ukraine fights on.

In marking this grim anniversary, we pay tribute to the heroism of the Ukrainian people, ordinary civilians who have persevered with immense courage and resolve to continue their everyday lives and keep their country running, despite the severe challenges they face. I saw this first hand when I visited Kyiv in October last year along with other EU foreign ministers.

Russia is counting on us growing tired and of becoming distracted by other priorities, but it will be disappointed. Ireland’s support for the people and Government of Ukraine is steadfast. We support Ukraine because it is the right thing to do. However, we also support Ukraine because, if Russia is allowed to prevail, there will be profound consequences for all of Europe. Russia’s actions represent a threat to our collective European security and the values which have always underpinned Irish and EU foreign policy. We have seen how Russia’s senseless war has also had impacts beyond Europe. By invading a neighbouring country, a fellow UN member state, and blatantly disregarding the UN charter, Russia has called into question the fundamental principles that are the foundation of the rules-based multilateral order. This represents a threat to global peace and security and risks emboldening other states which may decide that might is better than right and that borders can be changed by force.

Russia’s war has also impacted on global economic stability. Some estimates suggest that the damage to the global economy could be as high as $1 trillion. As a globalised, export-based economy, Ireland is particularly vulnerable to fluctuations in international trade. Our prosperity has been built on co-operation between states.

Recent years have, unfortunately, seen a resurgence in nationalist ideologies that see relations between states as a zero-sum game.

As Ukraine withstands constant Russian bombardment, it is our responsibility as a democracy to stand with it. In defending their nation, Ukrainians are also defending the universal principles that underpin our multilateral system - the rights of all people to live peacefully within their own borders and according to their own values and choices. This is why Ireland together with the EU and its member states have mobilised unprecedented levels of support for Ukraine over the past 18 months. Collectively, the EU has provided approximately €88 billion in financial, humanitarian, emergency, budgetary and military support. Earlier this month, the EU again demonstrated its firm commitment to continuing to support Ukraine by agreeing on a new €50 billion financial assistance package. The "Ukraine Facility" will provide stable and predictable funding and will allow Ukraine to continue to pay wages and pensions, maintain essential public services, ensure macro-economic stability and restore critical infrastructure destroyed by Russia.

In parallel with our support for Ukraine, Ireland and our EU partners are determined to hold Russia to account for its actions. The targeted sanctions adopted in response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine are the most expansive and hard-hitting in EU history. Since February 2022, the EU has introduced measures targeting the military, financial, energy, technology, transport and media sectors of the Russian economy. The EU has also introduced sanctions targeting those responsible for supporting, financing or implementing actions undermining the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Almost 2,000 individuals and entities are now subject to travel bans and asset freeze measures. Over the past year, the EU has been working with third countries to stop battlefield goods and technology reaching Russia and to combat circumvention of sanctions. We support these efforts, including the work of the EU sanctions envoy David O’Sullivan in his outreach with third countries. These sanctions are an integral part of Europe’s response to Russia’s illegal aggression in Ukraine. They are having a deep and negative impact on Russia’s economic and military capacity impeding its ability to pay for its war on Ukraine and to access advanced technology and military goods. This pressure must be maintained.

I welcome the progress made at EU level on using the extraordinary revenue generated from immobilised Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction. This has been a carefully thought-through process. It has been co-ordinated with international partners and consideration has been given to the complex legal and economic questions involved, particularly on the potential impact action in this area could have on the financial stability and the international role of the euro. The EU-wide agreement of recent weeks will provide the necessary basis to make revenue generated from Russian sovereign assets available. I look forward to future discussions on how this revenue could be channelled to support the recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine.

In addition to action at EU level, we have also provided unprecedented bilateral support to Ukraine. Ireland's financial support to Ukraine since February 2022 includes over €90 million in stabilisation and humanitarian support. Humanitarian assistance has focused on those most vulnerable and hard to reach such as women and children, displaced persons and those closest to the conflict lines. It targets critical needs, including provision of food, safe drinking water, cash assistance and the construction of prefabricated homes.

The Irish people have demonstrated compassion and support for Ukraine’s struggle. Our greatest act of solidarity with Ukraine has been the warm welcome we have given those fleeing Russian violence and persecution. Almost 105,000 Ukrainians have sought sanctuary in Ireland amounting to some 2% of our population and putting us in the top ten EU host countries in both absolute terms and per capita. They have integrated well and I have no doubt that in time they will play a crucial role in rebuilding their country when it is once again safe to do so. I pay special tribute to all those who have opened their hearts, their homes, their schools and their communities to a people in need.

The Government has repeatedly set out Ireland’s full support for Ukraine and for its right to defend this attack on its sovereignty and territorial integrity in line with Article 51 of the UN charter. Ireland is working closely with our EU partners to provide support to Ukraine through the European Peace Facility. To date, our commitment stands at some €122 million with this funding directed towards non-lethal military support, including the supply of items such as food, fuel and medical and personal protective equipment.

Fifty years ago, Ireland benefited from the EU’s very first enlargement. The last half century of EU membership has transformed our economy and society and amplified our global influence. We believe every European country deserves the same opportunity providing it meets the necessary criteria for membership. The people of Ukraine have proven time and again that they value the fundamental rights of freedom and democracy and are prepared to fight for them. The decision by the European Council in December to open accession negotiations with Ukraine recognises the significant progress made in implementing EU reforms in such extraordinary circumstances. It offers the prospect of a brighter future for the Ukrainian people. Ireland is committed to supporting Ukraine as it progresses along its European path. I have no doubt that Ukraine will become a member of our European family. EU enlargement has become an even more strategic issue following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The invasion has highlighted the clear need for continuing, ever-closer co-operation between the EU and our partners in the western Balkans and Eastern Partnership regions. The question of EU enlargement is no longer "if" but "when and how". At each previous wave of enlargement, there were those who said it would weaken our Union and at each previous wave of enlargement, they were proven wrong. I am confident that the next waves of enlargement will also strengthen our Union and our place in the world.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has had a fundamental impact on European security. Like all of our friends and partners in Europe, Ireland finds itself in an increasingly contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment. In response to the threat to Europe’s energy security, the EU is ramping up plans for renewable energy, the diversification of gas supply and efforts to reduce demand for Russian fossil fuels. With deliberate damage caused to pipelines, energy infrastructure has also come under threat. Ireland is supportive of calls at a European level to develop effective measures to strengthen the resilience and ensure the security of critical infrastructure.

Russian state actors and aligned criminal groups operating from within the Russian territory have all been engaged in malicious cyber activity targeting critical infrastructure and democratic institutions in Europe. We see a similar pattern as regards dis-information where the Kremlin and other aligned actors are in a systematic way spreading a distorted and false version of history and deliberately misrepresenting their heinous activities during this conflict. Given this increasingly challenging security environment, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland’s international security engagement as well as our domestic efforts to ensure the security of our country. While there are no plans to alter our policy of military neutrality, it is incumbent on us to take our own security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever before.

Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine has disrupted global food and energy markets and sent shockwaves around the world affecting everyone. Even under attack, Ukraine manages to safeguard its exports and contribute to global food security in spite of Russian blockades and missiles and unilateral pull out of the Black Sea grain initiative. With the "solidarity lanes" and the Black Sea corridor, the EU and Ukraine are keeping global food prices stable.

An under-reported but no less shocking aspect of Russia’s aggression is the unprecedented ecological damage we are seeing in Ukraine. The destruction of the Kakhovka dam resulted in catastrophic flooding that submerged thousands of hectares of land claiming many lives, displacing thousands, preventing access to drinking water and irrigation systems and polluting the Black Sea. The nuclear safety and security situation in Ukraine remains a very deep concern for Ireland. Russia’s actions significantly raise the risk of a nuclear accident or incident, which could endanger the Ukrainian population, the region and the international community.

Russia's irresponsible and dangerous behaviour continues to violate all internationally agreed nuclear safety and security provisions, which apply in all circumstances, including armed conflict. I met with Rafael Grossi, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, at the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday and commend the IAEA on its superb work in Zaporizhzhia and elsewhere in Ukraine, in incredibly challenging circumstances. Ireland strongly condemns Russia's use of nuclear threats and rhetoric in its war of aggression against Ukraine.

Ukraine is now one of the most mined and weapons-contaminated countries in the world. Almost one third of Ukrainian land is now affected by land mines and other ordnance. Ukrainian authorities have identified mine clearance and demining as an important area where long-term support will be required. Ireland is in the process of providing two mine flails and associated training to Ukraine, and we anticipate that our funding through the European Peace Facility will also be increasingly directed towards these activities going forward.

In addition, Ireland is providing training support to the Ukrainian armed forces, in co-operation with our fellow EU member states, through the EU military assistance mission in support of Ukraine. In line with Government decisions of last February and July, Defence Forces personnel have to date provided training to 355 members of the Ukrainian armed forces in demining, combat casualty care, and drill instruction.

Ireland is also strongly supportive of the work carried out by the EU advisory mission in Ukraine. This important mission is providing invaluable assistance to Ukraine in the investigation of war crimes as well as in wider civilian security sector reform. There are eight senior Irish civilian experts, including the deputy head of mission, deployed with the mission.

In sum, therefore, I reiterate that while Ireland is militarily neutral, we are not politically neutral in the face of Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. We will continue to provide political and practical support, including the European Peace Facility and the EU military assistance mission, to Ukraine for as long as it takes.

It would be remiss of me not to refer today to the shocking news of the death in a Russian penal colony of opposition activist Alexei Navalny on 16 February. Mr. Navalny was a fearless champion of democracy and freedom of speech in Russia, for which he paid the ultimate price. Along with other EU foreign ministers, I met with his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, in Brussels on Monday. I salute her extraordinary courage. Time and again, we have seen how an increase in internal repression in Russia is reflected in external aggression.

5:10 pm

Photo of Matt CarthyMatt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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I thank the Tánaiste for his opening remarks.

I will begin my remarks by extending a welcome to the Ukrainian ambassador to Ireland, H.E. Ms Larysa Gerasko, and thank her for being here. I also thank her for continuing to keep the Members of this House and, indeed, the wider Irish public aware of the realty of life in Ukraine. Also, on behalf of what are now my Ukrainian constituents, I thank her for the representation she provides to them alongside consular support.

Two years ago, Vladimir Putin's Russia launched a brutal and criminal war on its peaceful neighbour, Ukraine. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has resulted in the largest land conflict and greatest displacement of people in Europe for nearly 80 years. Today, I reiterate that Russia's attack on and bombardment of the Ukrainian people is an attack on sovereignty, on peace and on the right of a nation to be sovereign, independent and free. It is a vicious and violent expression of the dead-end belief that might is right and military power can dominate humanity. The result to date is the killing of more than 10,000 people, including more than 560 children. An estimated 19,000 Ukrainian children have been abducted by Russia or its proxies. Millions of Ukrainian people have been forced to leave their homeland.

For the Irish people, we are clear whose side we are on. For 24 months, the courageous people of Ukraine have stood against the Russian onslaught. The people of Ireland have stood with them. We are clear that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a blatant breach of international law, a full-scale aggression which has been defined by war crimes committed by the Russian military against innocent people. Sinn Féin supports the utilisation of all diplomatic, economic and financial sanctions against Russia in response to these breaches of international law. The response of the people and member states of the European Union to the Russian onslaught unleashed two years ago showed Europe at its best. It showed a Europe committed to humanitarianism and to international humanitarian law, a Europe which not only rejected the might-takes-right approach of dominant powers but also said it was willing to stand firmly in defence of those principles. Apart from the shameful exception of the Hungarian Government, administrations across Europe have clearly demonstrated their solidarity with Ukraine without fail.

I welcome the constructive approach of the Irish Government at a European level and its continued support for Ukraine. That approach is one for which they have Sinn Féin's total support. The people of Ukraine have no option but to continue to resist and we continue to support them while they do so. As a militarily neutral country, Ireland is well placed to be a consistent defender of international law, international humanitarian law and the UN charter. Our strength flows from our consistency in that approach. Ireland has international credibility precisely because we can and do decry breaches of international law regardless of who it is that is in breach and because we can call out war crimes regardless of who it is that commits them. That is why we should support actions against the perpetrators of war crimes regardless of who they are by imposing sanctions and using the multilateral institutions, such as the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, as mechanisms to hold aggressors to account.

Russia must be held to account for the despicable and illegal attacks on Ukraine and so too must Israel be held to account for the despicable and illegal attacks on Palestine. It is through that consistency in approach that we can, as a neutral country with an independent foreign policy, be of the most assistance to the people of Ukraine but we cannot ignore the elephant in the room, that is, the lack of consistency from within the EU institutions. In particular, the European Commission president, Dr. Ursula von der Leyen, through her interventions on Israel's onslaught of Gaza, went beyond her remit, contravened the EU principle of subsidiarity and, crucially, undermined Europe's credibility as an advocate for international law. She and those EU leaders who support her have done a disservice to the people of Palestine, of course, but they have also done a disservice to the people of Ukraine. The Commission President should not be rewarded with a second term of office because, if international law is not universally defended, it becomes defenceless. It is in this context that rogue governments, such as Putin's Russian regime, thrive.

Our unified message to Vladimir Putin must remain clear. Russia must immediately withdraw from Ukraine. Putin must end his war and end the bloodshed. Putin must be sent the message repeatedly until he finally understands that the international community will stand resolute for as long as it takes to face down his attack on peace, sovereignty, stability and human rights. Our message, today, is that Ireland will stand with Ukraine through all of the horror and we hope and pray, above all, that the people of Ukraine will win out.

The actions of Russia, just as the actions of Israel, should remind the world of a lesson that Ireland has long learned, that is, the damaging and divisive legacy wrought by colonisation, occupation and the denial of self-determination. We, in Ireland, know that imperialist ventures and colonial aggression have no place in a peaceful world - a world of rights, justice and equality. Ireland, Europe and the global community have rightly stood against Russia's criminal invasion and, therefore, we must stand against military aggression everywhere it is to be found because this is not the time for double standards.

The responsibility for ending the war in Ukraine lies squarely with Vladimir Putin. Two years on, we repeat that a withdrawal of the Russian military must happen and we must all come together to build a pathway and a plan for peace.

While standing with Ukraine, Ireland must be clear in the role that we are best placed to play. Events of the past two years in Ukraine, just as the events of the past four months in Palestine, have crystalised the absolute need for neutral actors - those who can act credibly as interlocutors and agents for conflict resolution. Being neutral with an independent foreign policy means calling out war crimes regardless of whether they are committed by Russia, Hamas or Israel, and that is a strength when we must resist attempts at recasting our neutrality as a weakness.

There are those who have shamelessly sought to use Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to undermine and to stretch the definition of Irish neutrality to the point where it is meaningless. They are doing the Irish people and Ireland’s role in the world a huge disservice. Because Ireland can and must play a positive and constructive role in the world, we must remain champions for the multilateral framework and the United Nations because, for all its flaws, the UN remains humanity’s best hope. We must reject Government attempts to undermine the triple-lock neutrality protection because that will undermine our credibility and consistency of which I spoke. Neutrality and having an independent foreign policy allows Ireland to be consistent advocates for international humanitarian law and champions for the United Nations framework. The alternative is a return to the prominence of the might is right philosophy which suits nobody better than Vladimir Putin.

We stand here to mark two years since the commencement of Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine. I hope we will not have to mark another year again next year. But make no mistake, if we are here again in a year’s time, we will remain as committed in our support of the people of Ukraine in our adherence to international law and to peace across Europe and the world as we did in the hours and weeks immediately after that illegal invasion. If it takes another six months or another six years, our message to Putin must be that he will learn what many other aggressors before him have learned, that you cannot break the will of a proud people to be free. Ukraine will be a free member of the European Union. For humanity and for international law, I hope that happens sooner rather than later.

5:20 pm

Photo of Brendan HowlinBrendan Howlin (Wexford, Labour)
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I too welcome to the Chamber the wonderful ambassador of Ukraine to hear this debate. Two years ago, the bloodiest conflict our continent has seen since the Second World War began. There is no end visible to the carnage and wanton destruction. The imperial ambitions of Vladimir Putin which caused him to invade his neighbour, Ukraine, and set out to remove that nation from existence, remains unabated. Well before his unlawful and brutal attack on Ukraine, Putin set out in an hour-long speech his dream of a new Russian empire, one to be achieved through coercion and conquest. His speech sees independent Ukraine reduced to a tributary State where any aspirations to nationhood are to be smothered and destroyed. For Ireland, that strikes deep. We know the impact of an imperial neighbour who would deny independent nationhood and even independent culture.

Putin’s imperial ambitions do not end in Ukraine. He has characterised Russia not as another nation state among equals but rather as cultural and civilisational communities of the Russian world. No nation that was previously incorporated into the old Soviet Union or which existed under previous Soviet control can now be secure. He sees the rebuilding of a Russian superstate as his mission, however bloody and costly the price.

The death of Alexei Navalny gives further proof, if proof was needed, of the viciousness of the Putin regime. Having poisoned Navalny in 2020 in an attempt to remove the leader of the opposition to his dictatorship, he finally had him sent to an Arctic penal colony where, in isolation, he could be permanently silenced. Alexei Navalny was an exceptionally brave man. Few would have the courage to return to Russia knowing he was Putin’s number one enemy, barely recovered from nerve-agent poisoning, aware of what the Russian Government was capable of.

Vladimir Putin wants the world to know he will destroy anyone who stands against him. He wants his opponents at home to cower in fear and for the rest of the world to be anxious of his capacity for terror. The Taoiseach and Tánaiste have said many times that Ireland is militarily neutral but not politically neutral. We are on the side of democracy and freedom. So how does militarily neutral Ireland now act in the face of a real and growing attack on the values essential to this State? The naivety of European policy to Russia over the past decade, when led by Germany and her gas deals and we thought that Russia, through trade, would become just another European state, has been exposed. There is clearly no price that Putin will not require the Russian people to pay for his ambition. The price he is happy to inflict on others has no bounds. In the old cold war scenario, there were understood boundaries, painful and desperate as they were. Putin has no boundaries. He has isolated himself to hear only the echo of his own cronies and we can no longer be certain he will be defeated. All of this is bad enough but we live in a time of great political uncertainty. The potential of the re-election of Donald Trump as President of the United States adds an entirely different dimension of uncertainty. He has already given Putin a free hand to do as he wishes without fear of a Trump’s US reacting. An unstable autocrat with imperial ambitions in charge in Moscow with an unpredictable narcissist in charge in Washington is truly a frightening prospect.

We must stay true to our commitments to Ukraine now more than ever. They are the front line of freedom. Their cause is ours. We must be clear in the EU that the values that underpin our union cannot be picked and chosen. Those who want to exploit the basic democratic structures of the European Union to leverage narrow national advantage at a cost to Ukraine must be faced down. The people of Ukraine are paying a high price for their dream of freedom. We must be willing to pay a price to stand in solidarity with them.

Photo of Seán HaugheySeán Haughey (Dublin Bay North, Fianna Fail)
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The brutal invasion of Ukraine by Russia two years ago was unprovoked, unlawful and unjustifiable. Thousands of civilians have been killed and critical infrastructure has been destroyed on a massive scale. It is clear that Russia has committed war crimes in Ukraine and it must be held accountable through the international courts, specifically the International Criminal Court, the European Court of Human Rights and the International Court of Justice. I welcome the financial support that Ireland has given to pursue these cases. Unfortunately, the war has become protracted and Ukraine’s counter offensive has stalled. It does seem at this time that Ukraine’s defence is faltering. Russia cannot be allowed to succeed in the war. Europe has to stay the course in this regard. There is too much at stake, including Europe’s own future peace and security. Regretfully, the international community for many years adopted a policy of appeasement of Russia. It appeased as regards Crimea and it appeased as regards Syria. Appeasing Russia over Ukraine will not work and any future peace deal will first and foremost have to satisfy Ukraine.

Sadly it seems that support for Ukraine as observed in the UN has weakened. Arab states, but also countries in the global south, are not as supportive of the European view. This can be put down in part to the lack of support in the EU for the people of Gaza. These countries see an inconsistency of approach and that is most unfortunate.

I too want to pay tribute to Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny who died in an Arctic penal colony in the past few days. There is no doubt he was poisoned by Putin - proof, if any was needed, of the ruthless and repressive regime over which Putin presides. Alexei Navalny was a brave man and a hero in many respects who paid the ultimate price. I pay tribute to his wife, Yulia, who is now carrying on the fight and I hope for her sake and the sake of her family that his remains will be released without any further delay and fully intact.

The imposition of sanctions by the EU is also another weapon in our armoury. I hope that agreement can be reached on the proposed 13th round of sanctions. It has to be said, however, that sanctions do not appear to be as effective as we first thought as the Russian war effort continues. These sanctions need to be rigidly enforced, and countries and corporations should be prevented from getting around them. We also need to make progress on using frozen Russian assets for the reconstruction of Ukraine.

Ireland continues to support Ukraine in so many ways. We have opened up our communities to Ukrainian beneficiaries of temporary protection who are fleeing their war-torn country. We contribute to bilateral aid and humanitarian assistance. We have fully supported all EU initiatives, including the provision of non-lethal assistance through the European peace facility. We provide training under the EU military assistance mission. I warmly welcome the agreement reached at the recent special European Council meeting on providing €50 billion to Ukraine - the so-called Ukraine facility - over the next four years. We have also fully supported the opening of accession talks with Ukraine for membership of the EU and that is as it should be.

I note the comments made in recent days by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste about the size of the Russian embassy in Dublin. It seems that the embassy is engaged in spying activities. I welcome the announcement that no new visas for new staff of the embassy are being issued and that it is proposed to limit numbers there to 15.

As we know, elections to the European Parliament will take place in June. If people think that the situation in Ukraine is hopeless and they do not know what to do, the one thing they can do is ensure they do not vote pro-Russian MEPs back into the new parliament. I will leave it at that. Like others, I welcome the Ukrainian ambassador to the Chamber and I thank her for all of her briefings over the past two years on the awful events taking place in her country.

5:30 pm

Photo of Gary GannonGary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats)
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I welcome the Ukrainian ambassador and acknowledge the incredible work she has done over the past two years. We are here today to recognise a very sombre anniversary. It is two years since the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, an event which has undeniably reshaped the contours of international relations, global security and the very notion of sovereignty. As we stand with the people of Ukraine, remembering their resilience and sacrifice, we must also extend our gaze to Gaza, where another regional conflict persists. Not to do so would be to validate the same hypocrisy which has underlined both conflicts. The parallels between Ukraine and Gaza are not absolute but they are instructive. Both regions have endured the pain of conflict, the loss of innocent lives and the daily erosion of hope.

In Ukraine, we have witnessed a nation’s fight for self-determination and territorial integrity against a larger aggressor. The images of cities turned to rubble, of families fleeing their homes and of soldiers defending their country’s sovereignty have moved the international community to both action and compassion. The action is manifested in the forms of sanctions against the aggressor, financial aid and global outpouring of support for the Ukrainian people against the Russian state. This solidarity is a testament to the world’s capacity for empathy and justice when international laws and human rights are threatened.

However, we must ask ourselves if our empathy extends beyond the borders of Europe. Does our commitment to sovereignty and to human rights hold firm regardless of geography? The international community’s reaction to these crises has been marked by accusations of double standards. While sanctions and widespread condemnations followed Russia’s actions in Ukraine, the response to the conflict in Palestine and to the invasion of Gaza has been far more muted with fewer repercussions for Israel; in fact, none at all. This disparity raises concerns about international hypocrisy. The selective application of principles, depending on geopolitical interests, has undermined public confidence in international institutions and norms.

The Irish State, with its longstanding policy of military neutrality, is uniquely positioned to address these concerns. Ireland’s neutrality is not merely a stance of non-participation in military alliances but a proactive commitment to peace. It has been hard fought for through dialogue and the rule of law. This principle has guided Ireland’s engagement in international affairs from its participation in United Nations peacekeeping missions to its advocacy for human rights and disarmament. The Irish perspective is that true security does not come from the might of arms but from the strength of justice and the universality of human rights. It is in this very context of Ukraine and Gaza that Ireland can and should leverage its moral and diplomatic influence to advocate for peaceful resolutions, for humanitarian aid and for respect for international law. We can do this by calling out inconsistencies in the international community’s response without fear or deference, whether they be from friend or foe.

The issue of international hypocrisy, as highlighted by the disparate reactions to the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, is a significant challenge to the integrity of international relations and norms. It risks eroding public confidence in the very institutions which are supposed to safeguard peace and security worldwide. When the application of international law appears selective, the credibility of global governing structures is questioned, leading to cynicism and disillusion among nations and their citizens. We are seeing that in the world right now. In a world that is getting darker, Ireland can contribute to restoring faith in global institutions and to promoting a more just and peaceful order by advocating for equal and unbiased application of those very norms.

Comparisons can be made with some of the most horrifying aspects of the conflicts over the past two years in Ukraine. I am reminded of the bombing of the maternity hospital in Mariupol, which led us to all to realise that the full horror of war, on a scale we could never have imagined, was once again upon us. I think of women giving birth in Gaza at this very moment in time, when hospitals and maternity hospitals are equally being destroyed. These women are giving birth without any access to medication.

We have rightly heard tributes paid to Alexei Navalny who was targeted by Putin precisely because he sought to tell the truth. We cannot deny the same standard to journalists such as Shireen Abu Akleh in Palestine, who was murdered on live television before the conflict. Over 100 journalists in Gaza are being targeted right now because they have been telling the truth. Vladimir Putin was rightly referred to the International Criminal Court on a number of different bases, one being the kidnapping of children from Ukraine. I equally cannot step away from the fact that on a nearly weekly basis, I am watching children on the West Bank who out of some degree of defiance are throwing stones and are being met by a sniper rifle bullet killing them dead on the spot. We must apply these standards equally.

I will finish by saying that all of our communities have been enhanced by the more than 80,000 people who have come here from Ukraine seeking sanctuary. We will be enhanced by that for generations to come. We should never forget the reason they had to travel here. Ireland should and does stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine. We seek to hold to account those who brought that slaughter upon them but our efforts are undermined if we do not apply the same standard to what is happening in Gaza.

Photo of Alan FarrellAlan Farrell (Dublin Fingal, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to mark the second anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the Ukrainian ambassador, Larysa Gerasko. I thank her for her presence here and for her significant contribution to keeping this issue on the agenda of many of my colleagues and of the Government. It is critically important that we continue to support the people of Ukraine as best we can.

There is no doubt that Vladimir Putin and his administration pose a direct threat not just to Ireland but to the entire European Continent and, indeed, the globe. That is abundantly clear from his actions and that of his military over the past two years. If his military machine is allowed to win, what is next? Who is next? Those are stark warnings to our European colleagues and indeed to countries across the globe that contribute to Ukraine’s defence effort.

5 o’clock

We may be a neutral nation, but as the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and many others have said, we are not neutral when it comes to our abhorrence for war, warmongering and the murder of civilians, be that in Ukraine or Israel or the occupied territories. I am glad Deputy Gannon mentioned places like Mariupol, which horrified the world. The events of the last two years make us think back to the events of both the Second World War and in Ukraine’s context a number of events that occurred just before it, where millions of their countrymen and women were effectively murdered by a different regime, but a Russian one nonetheless.

Colleagues across European parliaments I have visited and the European Parliament itself are acutely aware that giving in to Russian aggression will amount to support of Russian aggression, which in itself cannot be allowed to stand. That is the position of the European Union and has been shown in attempts to influence our partners across the world, up to and including other countries that might not necessarily be those that would step forward quite quickly, such as India for instance, which introduced sanctions, thus bringing greater pressure on the Russian Government.

There are some stark figures we must consider from the past two years. According to US defence officials, an estimated 315,000 Russian soldiers have either been injured or killed and the number of those killed or injured on both sides from a military perspective amounts to over half a million. It is exceedingly difficult, of course, to get the number of individual citizens of Ukraine and other states who have been murdered by Russian soldiers, but one would have to assume it is in the tens of thousands. It is for those individuals, and indeed for those remaining in Ukraine, that we must redouble our efforts to put the necessary pressure on the Russian Federation to stop this pointless failure of a military campaign, given we are led to believe somewhere between 15% and 20% of Ukraine is occupied after two years, with no sign, frankly, of that territory increasing. What was labelled a quick offensive has started to look decidedly like a conflict that will end up like so many others in former Soviet republics, namely, as a frozen conflict, a war between neighbours over artificial boundaries. However, there are no artificial boundaries when it comes to the sovereign territory of Ukraine and therefore Russian must stop this pointless act of self-sabotage, withdraw its forces and restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine. We have unfortunately seen a significant rise in the number of civilian casualties in Ukraine, with the UN reporting in January there had been a 37% increase compared with November 2023. That is of course due to widespread missile and drone attacks on urban areas and urban communities, which are unacceptable in themselves.

It is very obvious that Putin and his proponents are assuming that fatigue will set in among the western nations and that they can sow division on the issue and weaken western resolve. While there may be some issues in the United States especially, I note that the European Continent has provided double the financial and military support to Ukraine over that of our American counterparts and that should not be forgotten because defence for Ukraine is defence of Europe and that in itself is important. I am not a warmonger, I am not somebody who advocates war, and I am not somebody who advocates a change to our policies at all – quite the opposite. I consider myself to be a pacifist, but one must defend oneself. I do not think there is any question that if we were invaded on foot the people would respond on foot. If a country is invaded and it has an army, it will respond with an army. That is important from the perspective of Ukraine.

Some very interesting figures were released today by the Central Statistics Office, showing that just under 105,000 Ukrainians have sought shelter on our shores under the temporary protection directive since March 2022. I have welcomed quite a few of them personally. Women aged over 20 make up 46% of those who have arrived while 31% are children. Some 41,000 of those who have made Ireland their home have engaged with employment support arranged by Intreo, while a further 17,000 have engaged in further education and training. Those are fantastic statistics and show the people who have had to come to these shores are genuinely trying to better themselves through education, but also by taking up employment. They are not here for fun - that is very obvious – and therefore, they should be commended on trying to make Ireland their home even if it is on a temporary basis until peace is restored in Ukraine. It is important that we redouble our efforts to work with our allies to ensure that stability is restored and that we as a state do all we can to provide non-lethal support to Ukraine and her people. I certainly stand foursquare with them in that policy. It is not an easy task and I have no doubt the prospect of a continuation of this conflict is extremely troubling to every citizen of Ukraine, but Ireland will continue to play its part in supporting them and I will certainly endeavour to do so.

5:40 pm

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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The Ukrainian people have faced two years of invasion, occupation and war crimes as a result of Putin's horrendous, criminal, imperialist invasion. It has been described as a meat grinder and been compared with the First World War due to the level of casualties and the type of war that is being fought. More than 10,000 civilians have been killed and that is potentially a significant underestimate as a result of some of the atrocities it has not been possible to properly investigate. There has been absolute horror for the people of Ukraine. They have every right to resist this invasion and we stand in solidarity with them.

It should be noted that combined with the imperialist aggression of Russia outside its borders is an internal crackdown on dissent, anti-war activists and anyone who would challenge the rule of Putin. That appears to have resulted in the death, whether assassination or killing through imprisonment and isolation, of Navalny, but it is also seen in the barring of Boris Nadezhdin, an anti-war challenger to Putin, from standing in the forthcoming presidential election. It is seen in the jailing of socialist and anti-war campaigner Boris Kagarlitsky, who was imprisoned for over five years. Repression at home is combined with imperialist aggression abroad.

The State needs to increase its support for the people of Ukraine. That is not about increasing militarisation. We oppose that. It is not about sending weapons or getting involved in NATO operations. It should be about increasing humanitarian aid, calling for the cancellation of Ukrainian debt and shutting down the shadow banking system within the IFSC used by Russian oligarchs and other oligarchs to fund the Russian regime and other wrongdoing throughout the world. It should not involve a cutting of the support to Ukrainian refugees, which the Government is scandalously planning to do, having originally treated them as all asylum seekers should appropriately be treated.

When speaking as part of the western world it is important to say that what is happening is not simply a war of horrific imperialist aggression by Russia and a war of legitimate national liberation by Ukrainians.

As well as that, layered on top of it, is effectively a conflict between major powers, an inter-imperialist conflict between Russia and its allies on the one hand and the US and its allies on the other hand. Evidence of that is clear in the $50 billion of military aid which has been poured into Ukraine by the US. If anyone two years ago may have believed that the US, NATO and the EU were doing this because they support self-determination, democracy and human rights, their illusions will have been dismissed by the reality of seeing the very different way they have acted with regard to Palestine, where they support Israel. They are doing this not out of concern for the Ukrainian people because they have their own conflict with Russia and their own plans in terms of expansion of NATO, and in that conflict ordinary people can have neither side. Both sides, NATO and Putin, are enemies of ordinary people. Therefore, we have to oppose what is happening in terms of the race to militarise Europe and the race to undermine neutrality, using Putin's horrendous invasion of Ukraine as a reason to do so.

In 2022 alone, the planned projected increase in military spending within the European Union was €200 billion, more than the total spend in one year, in 2020. There is a drive to integrate the European military project within NATO, the applications from Finland and Sweden to join NATO, and the participation of Ireland and others in the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, described as a NATO alliance by the US Secretary of Defense. There is the drive towards a European army, talk now of a defence commissioner, the strategic compass, effectively establishing an EU army of 5,000 soldiers able to be deployed at this stage and, effectively, an EU command and control centre in terms of the military.

Here, this war, this invasion, has been used to accelerate the assault on neutrality in terms of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, sending military aid and military training to Ukraine. We have to oppose those things absolutely. We need not to invest in war. We need to invest in climate action and we need to fight against imperialist aggression, for the right to self-determination and for peace.

5:50 pm

Photo of Marc Ó CathasaighMarc Ó Cathasaigh (Waterford, Green Party)
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As others have done, I have no doubt, I acknowledge the presence of the Ukrainian ambassador and the distinguished guests gathered for what is a very sad occasion as we mark the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of the sovereign territory of Ukraine. Two years ago, just on the eve of the war, we all watched Russia's troops amassing on the border with a sense of foreboding and, I think, a sense of disbelief that we were going to again see a land war on continental Europe. I doubt many of us would have predicted that we would still be in that state of conflict some two years later. I acknowledge the solidarity of peoples all across Europe for those defending their homeland from Russia's illegal aggression, and that should be acknowledged, but it is absolutely nothing alongside the courage and commitment of those Ukrainians directly engaged in the conflict and the defence of their homeland. If Volodymyr Zelenskyy, whose greatest battle up to then had been "Dancing with the Stars", had turned tail and run to some apartment in New York to live out his days as a president in exile, I doubt any of us here would have been greatly surprised. In fact, it is probably what Vladimir Putin was counting on. Instead, he has shown us to be one of the great wartime leaders. Rather than accept a US offer to evacuate, he told the world, "The fight is here. I need ammunition, not a ride." I think that is a line that will resonate down through history. It is a great counterfactual, but how differently would a Ukrainian resistance have fared against a Russian onslaught if its leader had taken the easier decision to cut and run? Would it have been able to hold out so valiantly against such overwhelming odds? I suspect not. Would Ukraine have been as successful in eliciting the support needed to counteract that superior force without President Zelenskyy's work on the international stage, eyeballing world leaders with that sense of moral conviction of somebody who has chosen to stay and fight rather than cut and run? Again, I very much doubt it.

When we look at Putin's model for this war, what we see here is a full-spectrum war. It is being fought obviously at the front lines in that typical hot war, and it is being fought with conventional weapons, albeit with newer technologies applied. It is being fought in the digital world. It is being fought through information networks, in attacks on cybersecurity. Across Europe, it was fought as an energy war, primarily. It was about throttling the supplies of fossil fuel energy in an attempt to undermine European solidarity. In this, I think the war in a sense was the last sting of a dying wasp. I suspect Putin's advisers had said, "The era of fossil fuels is drawing to a close, and if you want to leverage the fossil fuels we supply into Europe, now is the opportunity to do so." Russia had that stranglehold over energy in Europe, and that was going to be loosened sooner or later. There is an irony in the fact that the conflict has precipitated an energy transition that I do not think we could have imagined across Europe on the eve of the war in its pace and its scale.

All across the developing world, it has been a war waged through resources and through hunger. I think of the immense collateral damage we have seen all across the developing world. I think in particular of the Horn of Africa, where commodity prices, food prices, went through the roof. It is a war that has weaponised human suffering and the immiseration of people who are already locked out of so many of the opportunities we experience here in the western world. Long before the actual physical transgression of Ukraine's borders, Putin's forces had been laying the groundwork for what they expected to be a speedy victory. A concerted campaign of disinformation and the use of troll farms across social media channels were aimed at weakening western democracies. We should be alive to that continuing threat now, a very real one, and Russia is by no means the only bad-faith state actor out there seeking to undermine our democratic processes. We should be especially alive to that in 2024, a year of elections, with almost half the world's population going to the polls this year. We should be increasingly aware of the power of the digital tools that are at the disposal of people who want to interfere in our democracies in that way.

We are also seeing writ large the failure of Ostpolitikas practised for many years by the CDU in Germany with the flawed rationale that economic dependencies would insulate us against military aggression. It was a myopic policy built on the promise of cheap energy, upon which so many of our economies, but particularly the German economy, was founded - deliberately, strategically cheap energy which was aimed at undermining energy security and creating dependency. We should learn the lessons of that failure. Our democratic countries should not be built on the energy resources of despots. That is one of the many harsh lessons we should take from this conflict. In that regard, Ireland is almost uniquely well placed to help implement those learnings. If Ostpolitiktaught us to look east for our energies, to undemocratic countries, then, as regards the future energy we hope to generate, particularly off the west coast of this island, we should encourage the democracies of Europe to look west for that energy, to look to one of the most stable and long-lived democracies within Europe, which is our own.

What other lessons do we need to look at? What other lessons do we need to learn from this conflict? This might be a very long lens, but we do have to ask ourselves about what geopolitics will look like in a post-growth Europe. Currently, our geopolitics is very much aligned with that vying or jostling for position based on a very simplistic GDP measurement of growth. We know that is not sustainable in the longer term. We know we need to decouple emissions from our understanding of what it is that economies do for us as a society. If, however, Europe becomes one of the first movers in that process, how does that change the interaction in terms of geopolitics? As I said, that might be a long-lens view, but it is a question we need to grapple with. I agree with the views of Richard Wouters, who says that a well-being economy could be a geopolitical asset and that the normative power, which is that power to project and to export one's value, is an essential part of what it is to do geopolitics. It is the part that Europe has been most successful at. We have not established ourselves as a military power, and I would not like to see us become a military power, but that normative power we have is important.

I think what Putin failed to grasp when he initiated this war was the resilience of the Ukrainian people but also the solidarity of people across Europe, who I think realise that what is happening in Ukraine is a defence of our European democracies.

We are in the front line when it comes to defending so much that is good about our European Continent. As a nation, Ireland has responded. There certainly are major issues. There are issues in the context of pressure on resources and services. The wider issue of immigration has come to the fore within political discussion, but the long lens of history will tell us that Ireland has responded well to this and that we have risen to the challenge. When we were called upon to provide services and refuge for so many Ukrainian people who came to our shores seeking safety, we rose to the challenge. I very much hope we continue to rise to that challenge for the length of time this prolonged period of conflict lasts.

6:00 pm

Photo of Cathal BerryCathal Berry (Kildare South, Independent)
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I wish to Minister of State a good evening and I welcome H.E. Larysa Gerasko, the Ukrainian ambassador.

I very much welcome the opportunity before I head back to a committee meeting to make some brief comments to mark this grim and grisly second anniversary. I remember well - I think we all do - when Russian armour started to roll into Ukraine on 24 February 2022. It is amazing that two years have passed and that the situation continues, which is an absolute travesty and a crime in itself.

I want to reflect on Ireland's response. In general terms, this has been very good, particularly from a political point of view. It is ten out of ten in the context of absolute support for Ukraine, and rightly so. Ukraine is a now candidate country for EU accession, which is very positive. Ireland's response is also very positive from a diplomatic perspective. It is hugely positive from a humanitarian point of view, with 100,000 Ukrainians currently residing in Ireland having sought refuge here. It is also positive from an economic perspective. We rowed in behind every sanction. In fact, we have been pushing the EU to do even more. As a result of the death of Alexei Navalny, we should be looking for the imposition of more sanctions in order to absolutely hammer home the message that the Kremlin in Russia cannot act with impunity in the context of what it is doing to its own people.

There is room for improvement. We have given some financial support, with €122 million pledged so far, which is no small beans for sure. However, we have the opportunity to give more. I welcome the fact that our Defence Forces personnel have been training Ukrainian armed forces directly in mine clearance, combat casualty care and drill instruction. That is very positive. I welcome the bilateral arrangement whereby Ireland provides body armour and ration packs directly to the Ukrainian armed forces. Our response has been good, but we can do more though. The question that arises is where we go from here. What should we be doing? As I said, more than €100 million has been committed by the Government through the European Peace Facility, but this is exclusively for non-lethal technology. That makes sense. I would prefer if we did more, but I totally understand the consensus in the House.

What I am exploring, which I mentioned to the Tánaiste previously, is that a big issue in Ukraine is air defence technology. Many cruise missiles, ballistic missiles and drones are being used on Kyiv. People there have little or no means to protect themselves. I spent a week in Kyiv before Christmas, so I know what an air defence shelter looks like. The difficulty is that we could do more from the perspective of providing non-lethal equipment. If we provide the radars and air interception technology, all they are doing is shooting down inanimate objects that are flying through the air. You cannot have a lethal effect on something that is not alive in the first place. Caveats could be put in place to the effect that any technology we provide from an air defence point of view may only be used around Kyiv. Ireland has an obligation from the point of view of protecting civilians. That is something we can explore. I would certainly have an open mind in that regard.

In the context of Russian financial assets - I was glad to hear the Tánaiste comment on this - €1.8 billion of Russian assets held in the International Financial Services Centre, IFSC, have been frozen. Rather than just freezing these assets, we should seize them and put them to good use. This money is needed to support both the war effort in Ukraine and the post-war reconstruction. I recognise that there are legal and monetary complications to what I am suggesting, but we could fast-track dealing with those and move matters along. The Russian Federation and the Kremlin has seized Irish assets, namely, aircraft. It is high time we reciprocated.

We should be preparing our Defence Forces. Incredibly, there has been a further diminution of our military capability, even in the past two years. We still have naval vessels that cannot put to sea and aircraft that cannot take to the skies. Irish troops will be withdrawn from Syria in the next two months because we cannot maintain the 130 troops needed out there. We are at our lowest ebb for more than 50 years. That sends out all the wrong signals. Two very simple things we could use are sonar technology and radar technology. Ireland is the only EU country that lacks both of these. That says a lot about how we value our sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I agree that Putin will not stop voluntarily; he must be stopped. At the outset of the war, it was stated that we should support Ukraine for as long as we could. This then became that we should support Ukraine for as long as it takes. The new phrase should be that we should support Ukraine until victory. Ireland has a choice. We can fight Russia indirectly in the Donbas or we are going to have to fight it here in Dublin. That is a choice we should not have to make. I say we should support Ukraine absolutely until victory.

Photo of Michael Healy-RaeMichael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I warmly welcome Ambassador Larysa Gerasko. I thank her very much for the great work she has been doing tirelessly on behalf of Ukrainian people and for highlighting what is going on at all times and in every forum. She and the people with her have worked diligently in very difficult circumstances. They are looking every day at people who have seen their lives torn apart, their families killed, children being separated and taken to Russia and awful, horrendous things that should not happen in the modern world. It should not be allowed to happen in a world where we would like to consider ourselves as being civilised. We have seen what politics can do here in Ireland in the way that good politicians and good religious people all came together and worked tirelessly to bring us peace on the island of Ireland. The ambassador has to witness on a daily basis what is happening at home with the horrors of war and invasion. It is very difficult for her. I really want to thank her for the work she is doing and keeping that going considering all the other pressures that are on her mind. I thank her for that and wish her well.

It really came home to me recently when a man with whom I am friendly produced his phone and showed me a picture of a house that was a heap of rubble. His English is good now. He has been working diligently to get good with English. He said, "That was my home". That man told me that when he and his wife had to leave Ukraine, they were exactly the same as anyone inside this Chamber. The had a house and jobs and their few belongings. They had a car. They had a pet. I heard people condemning pets and, of course, I heard what was said about the money, but I want to humanise this. They left their house and literally took what they could in a couple of bags. They left everything behind them. This man explained that they locked up their house. They locked what we call valuable valuables in rooms, locked the doors as well as they could and left everything behind. They left all they had worked for and accrued during their lifetimes. A couple of weeks ago, somebody sent him a picture of his home. A missile or bomb or whatever had hit their house. It is now a heap of rubble. There were tears in that poor man's eyes when he was telling me that is what he has in Ukraine. We cannot ever forget that.

We cannot ever forget this human side of what is happening and people being displaced by the horrors and the evil of one person who took it upon himself to invade Ukraine and to bring this horror and terror upon people who were literally going about their daily lives to the best of their ability. It is horrendous and it is horrible.

With the military situation in Ukraine now in a stalemate, there is predictably new pressures for peace talks. Reports of secret talks between the US and Russian officials have surfaced and public peace initiatives by China, the Vatican, Brazil, Mexico and others have been launched. Many leaders are strongly advocating for an immediate ceasefire. These initiatives seem to be based on a sense that the war is going nowhere but that, were it to escalate, could easily grow into a full nuclear confrontation. When Russia's foreign minister stated the Ukraine conflict was not so much about Ukraine as about the legal world order, he accurately identified the main obstacle to peace restoration, namely, the lack of agreement between the great powers on a legitimate world order. This statement underscores the need for a collective global effort to resolve not just the conflict in Ukraine but the broader issues plaguing our world order.

6:10 pm

Photo of Thomas PringleThomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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I express my solidarity with the people of Ukraine and condemn Russia's unprovoked and devastating attack on a peaceful nation two years ago. I also acknowledge the people across Ireland who welcomed those fleeing the conflict into their communities and joined the call for a peaceful end to this horrific war. I encourage Russia and Ukraine to come to the table and seek a peace agreement to put an end to the violence and unnecessary deaths of thousands.

I highlight, however, the difference of response from Europe towards the invasion of Ukraine and that of Gaza. The contrast is stark and it is very clear that Europe does not speak with one voice on this issue. Although the EU has rightly been extremely critical of Russia, it has failed time and again to hold Israel to account for the many breaches of international law. As of today, more than 29,000 Palestinians have been killed, included 11,500 children, with a further 17,000 of whom are left unaccompanied because Israeli attacks have killed their entire families, while the EU sits on its hands and refuses to call for an immediate ceasefire or stop weapon sales to Israel.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute provided data on arm sales from Europe to Israel between 2013 and 2022, showing that Italy and Germany had supplied Israel's military with crucial weapons and equipment it is now using on the ground in Gaza.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Deputy, we are talking about Ukraine. We are well aware of the atrocious and abominable happenings, but these statements are about Ukraine.

Photo of Thomas PringleThomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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I am comparing and contrasting the European response to what is happening-----

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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What about your response to Ukraine?

Photo of Thomas PringleThomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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-----and it is perfectly legitimate to do that.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Fair enough.

Photo of Thomas PringleThomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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It is about the European response we have had. There is no doubt the war in Ukraine is horrible and abominable, but likewise, the war in Gaza is the same.

During this period, Italian companies sold arms worth almost €120 million to Israel, on average around €12 million per year. More recent reports show that German defence export approvals to Israel had risen nearly tenfold last year compared with the year before. This is appalling as well.

European countries have directly funded a collective punishment of 2.3 million Palestinians in Gaza by the Israeli Government, and Europe should hang its head in shame in that respect. There is clearly a divide between the people and those in power. Citizens across Europe have shown time and time again that they condemn Israel's genocide on the Palestinian people, yet their leaders refuse to act on this while at the same time being very vocal on Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The EU and the US are the reason this genocide has continued and Ireland needs to take a stand. The Government needs to advocate for the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement on humanitarian grounds and it needs to honour its commitment in the programme for Government to formally recognise the state of Palestine. We need to advocate for the people of Palestine and for the people of Ukraine, who have been utterly failed by the international community across the board.

Photo of Catherine ConnollyCatherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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In the brief time I have, I acknowledge the presence of the Ukrainian ambassador and I also reiterate my condemnation of the illegal invasion of Ukraine.

The Tánaiste gave a very long speech of 12 pages in which he said, "Two years on, tragically, it seems that we are no closer to peace." I say it is more than tragic; it is deplorable. We have utterly failed to use our voice to bring peace, not just in Ukraine where appalling slaughter is going on, but throughout the world. Again, I absolutely reiterate what my colleague has said at the contrasting approaches from Europe regarding the deaths in Gaza and in Palestine and the deaths in Ukraine. We cannot compare deaths nor numbers, although it is extraordinary in a 12-page speech that we do not get any details at all on the appalling slaughter in Ukraine and on how many people have actually died and suffered, as have in Russia as well.

When the Tánaiste tells us he is not doing away with our neutrality, I am not one bit reassured because that neutrality concept has become more and more flexible all the time. As a neutral, independent sovereign State, we should be using our voice at every level to bring peace to Ukraine. Of course, the Ukrainian people must determine the conditions for that peace and what is necessary, but our voice must be used to push for that peace. Two years on, we are looking at utter slaughter and the only people making money is the arms industry. Equally, in Palestine, the arms industry is all over this. We have utterly failed to learn and I am particularly concerned that Ireland is giving away something without learning anything at all. Bertrand Russell, who lived an extraordinarily long life and was a philosopher, mathematician and recipient of the Nobel Prize, said a long time ago:

Our world has sprouted a weird concept of security and a warped sense of morality. Weapons are sheltered like treasures ... [while] children are exposed to incineration.

Unfortunately, that is as applicable today as it ever was when we are talking about Ukraine and the illegal invasion by Russia. Equally, when we speak of the invasion by Israel of Palestine and Gaza. I put on record that our credibility is at stake if we deal with one war differently than another, and that is exactly what this country has been doing. It has taken almost 30,000 deaths and an inordinate number of people injured to get us to write a letter with the Spanish Prime Minister, or whoever the person was.

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Thank you, Deputy.

Photo of Catherine ConnollyCatherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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I will stop but there was an interruption and both I and my colleague lost our train of thought as a result.

It took all those deaths and all of that to make us write and take that little bit of action.

Photo of Violet-Anne WynneViolet-Anne Wynne (Clare, Independent)
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I also want to acknowledge the presence of the Ukrainian ambassador, H.E. Larysa Gerasko, and I hope I pronounced her name correctly.

Two years ago, the world was rocked and peace was destabilised. People fled for their lives and some were buried in rubble. There was so much needless suffering and pain. I take the opportunity to express my deepest sympathies to those who have lost loved ones and family members. The best of humanity was shown in this country when we threw open our doors and this House came together to show strength and push back against evil. We did that because it was the right thing to do. The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing, and history has taught us that. That goes for Ukraine but also for Gaza, and my heart goes out to all of the innocents caught in the middle there.

The people of Clare opened their hearts and homes to Ukrainians. I meet them working in the local area, at the school gates, and when I visit communities all across County Clare. I acknowledge the fantastic work of the SICAP team in the Clare Local Development Company, the Clare Public Participation Network, Orla Ní hÉilí and the Clare Immigrant Support Centre, Jason Murphy and the Ukrainian services directorate in Clare County Council, Fáilte Isteach, our family resource centres in Ennis, Shannon, Kilrush, Ennistymon and Killaloe, the Clare Sports Partnership, the ETB and Lisdoonvarna Fáilte. I think I got everybody in there. The best of humanity shines when the chips are down, and I am proud of the organisations, communities and families across Clare who extended the hand of welcome to our Ukrainian friends.

It is terrible that we are here today marking the second anniversary.

I also condemn the invasion of Ukraine and I wish, along with every Member of this House, that day comes when this situation comes to an end and peace is restored.

6:20 pm

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Before I call the Minister of State, I join in the words of welcome to Her Excellency, Ms Larysa Gerasko, Ambassador of Ukraine to Ireland. I am acutely aware that, as a proud representative of her country she feels deeply about what is happening but she has the added reality of the fact that her parents and family are living through the hell that is currently the order of the day in Ukraine.

On Thursday, we will have the opportunity to stand for a minute's silence in memory of all those innocents who have lost their lives over the past two years. We pray to God there will not be a third anniversary and that there will not be others whom we will have to commemorate.

As we debate this matter and as I hand over to the Minister of State to wrap up in a sovereign parliament, it is appropriate that we would say something to that other puppet parliament in Moscow, that we would say to the 450 people who sit there and who purport to be elected representatives of the people of Russia, where is your courage? Where are your voices? Can you take the example from that incredible man, Alexei Navalny, who over several years demonstrated the most extraordinary courage in standing up to a dictator? Surely to God, among 450 people there are a small number of people who have the moral courage to identify right from wrong and call on Putin to stop.

Photo of James BrowneJames Browne (Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Ceann Comhairle and I, too, welcome Her Excellency, Ambassador Gerasko, who has done fantastic work over the last couple of years in highlighting the atrocities that have been happening in Ukraine. It is important we do not forget that when people say we should do more for peace in Ukraine, peace could happen in the next five minutes in Ukraine if Putin just withdrew. He is the aggressor here.

It is clear from the attendance of the TDs today and the engagement that Irish support for Ukraine remains steadfast across the political spectrum. We clearly recognise what is at stake here. As they defend their nation, Ukrainians are also defending our fundamental European freedoms, which are the rights of all people to live peacefully within their own borders and according to their own values and choices. With Saturday marking the two-year anniversary of the launch of Russia's full-scale invasion, it is vital our commitment towards Ukraine remains unwavering. We must remember that the impact of Russia's aggression has implications far beyond Ukraine. If Russia is allowed to win in Ukraine, then we will all suffer the consequences.

We continue to hear talk of so-called Ukraine fatigue. Ukraine is defending its territorial integrity and fighting for its survival as a nation. It is not for us to tell Ukrainian people that they should capitulate to Russian aggression and relinquish large swathes of their territory. Indeed, talk of fatigue and disunity in western countries does a great disservice to the Ukrainian people, who continue to remain resilient despite the immense hardship and pressures they have been subject to. Ukraine needs our support now more than ever.

We should also not forget that since the beginning of Russia's illegal and unjustified war of aggression, the response of the European Union has been unprecedented in its unity, its firmness and its determination. Our collective response has encompassed political, financial, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support for Ukraine. We must recall that although for Ukraine this defence is existential, for Russia it remains a war of choice. Unfortunately, the relentless bombardment of civilians and civilian infrastructure makes clear that Russia has no intention of reaching a peaceful resolution to this conflict.

Russia is also clearly looking for signs that European support for Ukraine is weakening. However, European support has proven steadfast, most recently with the decision to open accession negotiations and approval of the €50 billion Ukraine facility. The people of Ukraine have proven time and again that they value the fundamental rights of freedom and democracy and are prepared to fight for them. The historic decision by the European Council to open accession negotiations with Ukraine was a strong signal to the Ukrainian people, as they continue to defend their country, that Ukraine belongs within the European family.

Ireland remains a strong supporter of European Union enlargement, and we will do all we can to help Ukraine progress along its European path. We believe EU membership will be the ultimate security guarantee for Ukraine and is in the overall strategic interest of the European Union. We recognise the value of enlargement as a transformative driver for stability and peace in candidate countries, and Russia's invasion of Ukraine has highlighted the clear need for continuing ever-closer co-operation between the European Union and our nearest neighbours.

It is crucial we uphold accountability for Russia's flagrant violations of the rules-based international order. We have been clear that Ireland supports full accountability for breaches of international law, including those arising from Russia's invasion and those subject to ongoing investigations by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.

Ireland has been at the forefront of one of the highest profile accountability initiatives in the effort to establish a special tribunal for the prosecution of the crime of aggression in Ukraine. Ireland is also a founding participant of the register of damage established under the auspices of the Council of Europe, which will serve as a record of evidence and information on claims of damage, loss or injury caused by Russia's actions in or against Ukraine. It is intended that the register will be the first step towards an international compensation mechanism for victims of Russian aggression.

The urgency and significance of accountability becomes even more starkly apparent with the evidence that Russia is forcibly transferring Ukrainian children either to Ukrainian areas temporarily occupied by Russia, to Russia itself or to neighbouring Belarus. Almost 20,000 children have now been identified by Ukraine as having been forcibly moved from their homes. Not only have these children had to suffer the hardships of war, they have had the added trauma of being torn from their families and taken against their will to Russian state institutions, often with little or no communication with their loved ones. These children need to be safely repatriated and reintegrated back into their communities from which they were taken. I must emphasise that the unlawful deportation or transfer of civilians, including children, is a war crime. We note that such alleged crimes as they concern Ukraine are the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court. Ireland condemns in the strongest possible terms the detention, abduction or kidnapping of these children and we insist on their unconditional release. We are committed to ensuring the safe return of all children and other civilians who have been unlawfully deported during the course of this brutal invasion.

That is why Ireland has raised this issue in our statements in multilateral forums, including the Human Rights Council, in our national capacity and as part of the European Union. We have participated at meetings of countries of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, for which the primary objective is to identify practical steps for the international community to help bring deported children back home. Ireland also co-sponsored a resolution of United Nations Human Rights Council establishing an independent international commission of inquiry to investigate all alleged violations and abuses of human rights, violations of international humanitarian law and related crimes in the context of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. We will continue to engage with the entire international community to ensure accountability for Russia's reprehensible actions in Ukraine so that justice is served to the victims of this conflict and families that were torn apart can be reunited once more.

As Putin prosecutes his war of choice, with indiscriminate bombing destroying civilian infrastructure across Ukraine, the need to support early recovery and longer term reconstruction efforts is clear. Although the ongoing destruction of Ukraine by Russia makes it difficult to accurately assess what the eventual cost of reconstruction will be, the latest World Bank estimates have put the eventual reconstruction bill at $486 billion over the next decade. It is important the international community focus is now on putting in place the necessary structures and mechanisms for a successful reconstruction effort. The reconstruction process can further Ukraine's European aspirations by ensuring investments and the EU reform agenda are mutually reinforcing. Ukraine can and will be built back up, this time as a fully fledged member of the European Union in recognition of its clear European choice.

In closing, I thank Deputies for their attendance and engagement today. Although peace might seem an uncertain prospect at this moment, I am heartened that Irish solidarity is not. Ireland recognises that our continued support for Ukraine is not only the right thing to do but it is in our fundamental national interests. It is vital not only for the people of Ukraine but for safeguarding the security of Europe as a whole, for protecting our own freedom and values, and for clearly calling to account unprovoked acts of aggression. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has highlighted once again the value of European unity and solidarity. Now, more than ever, it has become clear that ar scáth ar chéile a mhaireann na daoine. This is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now, and for as long as it takes.