Carol Nolan (Laois-Offaly, Independent)
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I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes that: — the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth's figures confirm a 37 per cent increase in non-Ukrainian International Protection Accommodation Services (IPAS) residents, reaching 26,092 by the week ending 26th November, 2023;

— over 26,092 IPAS residents are now being accommodated at over 200 centres throughout Ireland;

— the number of IPAS residents surged by 150 per cent since 27th March, 2022, from 10,447 to the 26th November, 2023;

— the 2022 spending on IPAS accommodation alone was €356.554 million, reasonably expected to exceed half a billion euro in 2023;

— the year 2022 witnessed a surge in international protection applications, reaching 13,651, signifying a 415 per cent rise from 2021 and a 186 per cent increase from 2019, marking the highest recorded number of asylum applications in Ireland;

— Georgia emerged as the leading country of origin for applicants in 2022, constituting one in every five applicants, despite the Department of Justice designating it as a "safe country of origin";

— the taxpayer's cost for accommodating IPAS/asylum applicants between 2016 and 2022 was over €1 billion, excluding €522 million for Ukrainian accommodation in 2022;

— in October 1,382 asylum seekers arrived, with 50 per cent being single males, now comprising over 48 per cent of all residents in IPAS accommodation;

— in the first four weeks of November, on average, 141 single male asylum seekers arrived in Ireland each week, again making up almost half of all IPAS arrivals;

— communities nationwide voice escalating social concerns about safety, strained resources and facilities due to overcrowded accommodations, including repurposed nursing homes for single males;

— the lack of an objective mechanism to distinguish "genuine" and "ungenuine" or "legal" and "illegal" asylum seekers undermines the integrity of the immigration and IPAS system, overburdening the entire system and causing anxiety and fear in local communities as a result;

— as of October 430 asylum seekers endure harsh winter conditions in temporary tented accommodation due to the absence of realistic immigration caps;

— the data reveals a disturbing average of 45 daily arrivals in October, marking a 250 per cent increase from April's average of 18 daily arrivals;

— other European Union (EU) countries tighten immigration laws, while Ireland's more attractive laws result in "asylum tourism";

— the Government's reckless immigration policy is neither functional, robust, nor effective, thereby facilitating exploitation and resulting in a staggering increase of over 270 per cent in the influx since the current coalition took office, increasing from under 7,000 in mid-2020 to over 26,000 residents in the IPAS system now; and

— despite the staggering increase in inward migration, there has been a dramatic decline in the number of non-EU nationals deported due to criminality, dropping from 273 in 2012 to a mere five deportations in 2021; further notes that: — the average annual accommodation cost for an international protection applicant in IPAS accommodation rose to over €26,000 in 2020 and 2021, up from €12,700 in 2018;

— the Ombudsman for Children expresses dissatisfaction with the lack of a quality assurance mechanism for children in IPAS accommodation;

— the Ombudsman for Children highlights adverse effects on the rights and welfare of children in State-provided IPAS accommodation;

— the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration, and Youth/IPAS broke a promise made in April 2021 to end the use of non-designated commercial hotels for accommodating International Protection (IP) residents, leading to ongoing system failures on practical, economic, and legal grounds according to the Ombudsman for Children's October 2023 Special Report on the Safety and Welfare of Children in Direct Provision;

— the grave overreliance on the private commercial accommodation sector is leading to ongoing system failures, particularly affecting children according to the Ombudsman for Children;

— IP in Ireland is granted to those with a "well-founded fear of persecution" and from countries suffering from war, terrorism, or extreme instability;

— using methodology from the Global Conflict Tracker, run by the Council on Foreign Relations, it can be objectively deduced that over half of all IP occupants in Ireland are from countries that are not at war, nor are they from countries suffering from terrorist insurgencies or extreme instability, including occupants originally from Georgia, the largest nationality recorded, currently at 3,751 occupants;

— Georgia has been at peace since the cessation of the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, is designated by the Department of Justice as a "safe country of origin" and according to the Georgian Ambassador to Ireland, George Zurabashvili, there are "no political circumstances" that would justify Georgian nationals to claim asylum in Ireland; and

— other nationalities prominently featured in the IPAS accommodation system include Algeria (at peace since the cessation of its Civil War in 2002 and classified as a "safe country of origin" by nine EU member states) with 3,656 occupants, Zimbabwe (at peace since the fall of Rhodesia in 1979) with 2,165 occupants, and Albania (which has not been at war since the Second World War and which has been a pro-Western European democracy since the fall of the Communist regime in 1991) with 492 occupants; calls on the Government to explain why almost a quarter of all current IP occupants are from the eight nations classified as "safe countries of origin" by the International Protection Act 2015, namely: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and South Africa; and

further calls on the Government to: — recognise that the Government's suppression of any national debate or dialogue on immigration policy has exacerbated community fear and undermined social cohesion;

— put in place operational protocols and procedures to carry out full consultation with each local community where a new IPAS centre is to be based, similar to the planning application process, prior to signing any contract with accommodation providers;

— put an end to the "open doors" or "unlimited" inward migration;

— ensure Ireland is not granting asylum, residency, or citizenship to anyone convicted of a violent crime;

— explain why almost a quarter of all current IP occupants are from the eight nations classified as "safe countries of origin" by the International Protection Act 2015, namely: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and South Africa;

— recognise the need for coherent and robust screening processes to ensure arrivals into the IPAS system are genuine and are using legal and safe routes to eliminate exploitation by individuals and/or criminal gangs as a matter of utmost urgency;

— accept that the current chaotic situation cannot continue where small local communities are taken for granted, denied any input, and offered zero consultation on how and when asylum seekers will be arriving in their towns and villages;

— immediately move to ensure the existing legislative provisions of the International Protection Act 2015 are fully implemented to ensure a much higher bar for an individual coming into Ireland under the IP system from a designated "safe country of origin" to ensure exploitation of scarce public resources is minimised;

— immediately implement a cap on the influx of asylum seekers allowed into Ireland as the number of asylum seekers arriving into Ireland every day is exacerbating the housing crisis, and it is now clear that we have exceeded the limit of our capacity;

— legislate for stricter migration legislation to eliminate illegal asylum seekers, who are for the most part arriving here without a shred of identification, coming to Ireland in what has now become, inter alia, asylum tourism; and

— explain why unvetted single males, many from safe countries, are being accommodated in accommodation centres in small rural locations without any consultation whatsoever with local communities, despite the grave potential consequences for residents in those communities.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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Is the Minister taking this?

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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I am taking it jointly with the Minister for Justice, Deputy McEntee. It is my understanding she will take the initial reply and I will take the conclusion.

Catherine Connolly (Galway West, Independent)
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We are ready to begin.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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I do not want to delay the Deputies in their contributions.

Carol Nolan (Laois-Offaly, Independent)
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By now it should be absolutely clear to all but the most wilfully blind that there is no longer a mere disconnect between the Government and our people on the issues of immigration, migration, and asylum. There is in fact a chasm between public and private opinion and the policy of the Government. Opinion poll after opinion poll confirms this. Indeed, I tried to warn the Government of this in June 2022 during Leaders' Questions with the Minister, Deputy Darragh O’Brien. At that time, I urged the Government of our need as a society to find some way of exploring in an adult, pragmatic and constructive way, the profound challenges that we were being confronted with in terms of unsustainable levels of inward migration and asylum into this State and, in particular, the impact this was having on housing and the availability of emergency accommodation.

The situation since then has become immeasurably worse. Record inward migration is taking place in the same context as record-breaking homelessness. The cold hard reality of these statistics reveals that the breaking point has not just been reached but has been shattered. However, instead of rising to the challenge last June, and acknowledging that these were issues of emerging and growing concern, I was met with finger-wagging arrogance from a Minister who misinterpreted what I said, and who then went on to accuse me of somehow representing a threat to social cohesion. That pattern of talking down to communities, and blatantly misrepresenting public representatives who dared to broach the issue, has continued to this very day. It is unacceptable.

The message went out loud and clear last June; dare to open your mouth on this issue, even here in a Chamber supposedly at the heart of democratic and open debate, and you will be framed as some type of crypto far-right racist. It is terrifying to contemplate that the Government has yet to learn the lesson that parents of small children learn very early on, which is that prohibiting questions does nothing to prevent them from being asked. As a public representative, I will certainly continue to ask the questions on behalf of my constituents in Laois and Offaly.

Here we are again attempting, perhaps in vain, to try to force a debate on this increasingly socially contentious issue. We know this issue is sensitive. I will not stand here and let the view go out that compassion is only to be found among TDs in every other seat, bar these ones. There is no monopoly on compassion when it comes to these issues. We know we are talking about real people in difficult and very often horrendous situations, but we also know that we cannot go on silencing the Opposition or drowning out critical and constructive voices or, worse, accusing people of hate speech merely because some people disagree with their point of view or remarks. That is not fair and is open to interpretation.

Not everyone speaks or communicates in gilded and politically refined terms. Sometimes communities and people speak in the raw voice of anger and frustration. To listen to some people, however, you would believe that anyone who wants a voice and opinion on these issues must first get clearance from the PR units of the Government parties or the advocacy NGOs. That is not right in a democratic republic. We should be able to have constructive debate and have the views of all our constituents throughout the State heard loud and clear. The NGOs do not represent all our constituents.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Hear, hear.

Carol Nolan (Laois-Offaly, Independent)
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They do not. They were not elected to represent them. We are elected here, each and every one of us.

Things cannot continue in the same vein. This certainly also applies to our disastrous deportation policy, which is honoured more in the breach than the observance. I have always sought to ground my statements in fact. That is why I have asked the Oireachtas Library and Research Service to compile an analysis of the deportation procedures in place in other EU member states. I am awaiting that document, but one thing we know for certain is that Ireland’s policy of voluntary return is being absurdly abused. That is a fact. From parliamentary replies to questions I submitted, I know that the overall percentage of deportation orders that were affirmed or actually carried out between 2018 and May 2023 was just over 11%. This means, in real terms, that just 282 or 11.5% of the 2,442 deportation orders issued were actually carried out. That is of serious concern. As commentators such as Dr. Matt Treacy have pointed out, this means that if you are presented with a deportation order by the State, you have almost a 90% chance of having that order overturned and being allowed to stay here forever.

I also know from replies I received that the total cost of accommodating international protection or asylum applicants will increase by at least €500 million this year. In fact, the total cost for people in IPAS accommodation from the start of 2016 to 2022 is now in excess of €1 billion. No state with a responsible policy towards expenditure can ignore such costs. They must form part of a debate around sustainability and the impact of such costs on other areas of public expenditure. That is being responsible and not reckless.

The Government has effectively engaged in years of magical thinking on these issues. It has sought to promote a fanciful view against all common sense. There is no such thing as infinite capacity when it comes to meeting what are undoubtedly very real humanitarian obligations. It is extraordinary to think that we have arrived at a point where we have to spell out that obligations go both ways. There is no one-way traffic. There is an obligation to assist where we can, but there is also a higher obligation on the Government and the State to unashamedly and without reservation prioritise the welfare of its own citizens. We have put out the welcome mat to those fleeing here but, increasingly, this has resulted in this nation becoming a doormat for others to trample on with no regard for our laws or security. Just look at the thousands who arrived having destroyed their documentation.

We can survive being a welcoming nation, but we cannot survive being taken for fools and having our generosity abused for another decade or more. As a public representative, I will certainly continue to ask the questions. I will not be silenced and no finger-wagging will deter me from challenging the Government on what is a reckless approach to immigration.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I am glad to get a chance to talk on this most important debate. I will not be told what to say or not to say or be muzzled in this Chamber, outside it or anywhere else. I take exception to Members of this Chamber calling me various names when I put something forward here. That has not been corrected yet. Even outside the Chamber, we have been called cowards. Anyone who knows the Healy-Raes, going back as far as I can remember, will know none of them was ever a coward. I am not afraid of those who make these allegations here, there or anywhere. It is very unfair of people to use the public airways to call us cowards.

I, like everyone else, appreciate human beings, whoever they are and wherever they are from. I actually love people. I have worked for all classes in Killarney and the surrounding area for way more than 20 years as a public representative and will continue to do so. We welcome people here for whatever reason they come but there has to be a place called Stop when they have an impact on our own services. Clearly, Kerry County Council has indicated we do not have the services to take any more because they are having an impact on the services of our own people.

The first thing that has to happen when people come here, regardless of the country they are from, is vetting within a short space of time. They should have to give their credentials. If people from war situations are to get a PPS number, as has happened – we are talking about Ukrainians – they should have to undergo an assessment, just as all the Irish people here have to undergo when they want to get social welfare, a medical card or any other benefit, even school transport. We have a two-mile rule for picking up children. They have to be from beyond two miles of the school to get the free school transport. That does not apply to children from Ukraine. Seeing as the Government can give free transport to children from within two miles of a school, or not more than a half mile away, it should provide the same service to local children. There has to be fair play. If the Government is going to continue with the system, Irish children must get the service and be assured of the same deal as anybody from anywhere else in the world.

We must apply a cap, belatedly as it may be, because it is clear that if we are to take care of the people coming here, and certainly take care of our own people, we cannot take any more at present. I asked the Taoiseach a number of days ago to reduce the rates of social welfare and benefits. He said we could not. I also asked him whether we could have a uniform rate of social welfare across the European Union. He said we could not. I cannot see how that is right, because we have to have a level playing field all across Europe. Many more seem to be coming here than elsewhere although Ireland is the farthest from Ukraine, is an island and is harder to get to. Therefore, we need to level the pitch, and the Government needs to argue in Europe that the same rates of social welfare should apply across the board.

Our people need to be treated the very same as the Ukrainian people. The latter get the same social welfare rates and get fed and housed. They also get school transport and free postage. One thing that hurt me very much at a time when I was looking for a special wheelchair for a person who has been incapacitated in Ireland for a long time was that I saw a vanload of game chairs for Ukrainian children inside in a post van. That is the gospel truth. Our children are getting no game chairs. If the Government is to continue doing that, it will have to give them to our children as well. The Ukrainian people get hairdressers, offering all kinds of dos, and they get shoes and clothes. There is even a secondary school bus taking Ukrainian children to Killorglin from Killarney. The Irish Killarney children have to pay for a bus to take them to Killorglin. What is good for the goose is good for the gander. If the Minister, Deputy Foley, is going to give free transport in every situation to children who come here, that is fine, but she should have to give it to our children as well. That is what I am asking for.

How is it that Georgia emerged as a leading country of origin for applicants in 2022, constituting one application in every five despite the Department of Justice designating Georgia as a safe country of origin? All we want is fair play. That is what we are asking for here today.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Before I say anything in this debate, I want to declare that, for many decades, I have been providing housing to Irish people, including students, workers and young families, and recently to some Ukrainian families who have come to Ireland under the emergency rules.

We are delighted to present this motion to the Dáil, recognising the vital importance of discussing a matter that is a constant topic of debate in every kitchen, workplace and coffee shop across the nation. The current challenges in the immigration and asylum systems, coupled with the growing concerns of the public, emphasise the urgent need for a thorough and sincere debate on Ireland’s immigration policies and their impact on our communities and resources. The pressure on Irish social services, including housing, is being increased by the influx of asylum seekers. It is for these genuine reasons that we in the Rural Independent Group have tabled this motion. I thank the staff in Deputy Mattie McGrath’s office for their background research and the work they put into helping us with this important motion. It is right and proper that we are bringing this debate to the floor of Dáil Éireann. However, we must state at the outset that we are in favour of immigration and immigrants who are either genuinely seeking asylum or who come here to work and positively contribute to our society. Leaving the Ukrainian situation out of it, consider the position of people who come here in the same way that the Irish went to England or that many of my own family had to leave here for America in the 1950s when there was no work or money. When they went to America, they did not look for anything from anybody. They did not get a house, medical card or anything else, but they did get the opportunity to roll up their sleeves, work, start out with nothing and build up for themselves. They rented places and eventually got mortgages to buy houses of their own and reared their families. They got no handouts from anybody for anything.

We hear people saying we have to do everything because we were welcomed abroad and got this and that. To be honest, we got nothing. What we got was the opportunity to leave here with nothing except what we could carry in our hands and go somewhere and say we were prepared to work and do whatever was wanted. It was not a case of filling out a form and getting everything handed to you. That did not happen. Therefore, the question we have, and the one I am asking very specifically on the part of the people of Kerry, who are continuously raising it with me, is this: how is it that young healthy people jump all across Europe – they come from everywhere – to land in Ireland rather than somewhere else? They have to pass many places to come to Ireland. Quite simply, what is on offer in Ireland is better than what is on offer anywhere else. It is issues like this that have created the concern among the hard-working people in Killarney, the businesspeople, the residents on the Muckross Road, and those in the seven or eight housing estates where we recently put in 77 people seeking international protection. All these people have asked me to ask today how it is right that 77 people would want to pass everywhere else in the world and land in Killarney. That does not make sense.

We want to acknowledge the positive contributions of migration to Ireland, recognising our country's diverse workforce, especially in crucial sectors like healthcare. However, it is essential for any government, including Ireland's, to retain the authority to regulate numbers.

Regarding our obligations in respect of immigration and asylum seekers, unless we opt out of such laws, we have to examine what we are actually being asked to do by the EU. I hear people saying that we are obliged to do something, but anyone looking at Ireland would have to say that Ireland has done more than its fair share. We have been very welcoming. I am sorry about what is happening in Ukraine, with people’s homes being blown up. Before one Ukrainian came to Kerry, I said in the Chamber and at Oireachtas committee meetings that we should bring people in, but that we should cap the number at 20,000. At the time, I was ridiculed. It was a case of how dare I say that we should have a cap. I thought that 20,000 was being generous and that, for a small island nation with a small number of taxpayers, it was a fair number. Now, we have many multiples of that.

However, it is not that issue that is concerning people. What concerns them are the healthy people who come to Ireland saying they are from places of trouble. How sure are we that these applications are genuine when we see people getting on a flight or other form of transport with documentation but, when they arrive in Ireland, they have no documentation? I was accused the other day on radio of scaremongery where the figure for that was concerned, but according to the figure from the Minister’s Department, 40% of people who land here seeking international protection somehow or other miraculously do not have documentation. I want an explanation. How is that the case? Why would 40% of people coming here lose their passports? Do 40% of the Irish people who go somewhere lose their passports? No, they do not. It is not normal or right. There has to be an explanation.

Helen McEntee (Meath East, Fine Gael)
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I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes:

— that, as a nation who over centuries saw so many Irish people emigrate to find safety or work, the Irish people understand what it means to be a migrant, and know how much Irish emigrants contributed to the social and economic fabric of the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and so many countries around the world;

— that Ireland is at full employment with many employers reporting skills shortages in crucial areas; while still comparing favourably to other European countries, our birth rate is generally falling; Ireland has an ageing population and the proportion of working age people is shrinking; Census 2022 shows a 26 per cent increase amongst the over 70s in the last six years; during the same period, the number of people aged between 25 and 39 years fell by four per cent; overall, the average age of the population in Ireland increased by 3.7 years between 2002 and 2022; and 20 per cent of Ireland's working age population was born outside of Ireland;

— that Ireland, therefore, needs migration to support its economy and society; and inward migration helps to address those skills and labour shortages in many vital sectors of the labour market - from highly specialist skills in information technology and pharmaceuticals through to housing, construction, health and social care - and contributes to social provision as well as economic growth;

— the unlawful, inhumane, violent Russian attacks against, and continuing occupation of, Ukraine; and innocent civilians including children and vulnerable persons have been killed and injured as a result of Russia's aggression and millions of men, women and children have been forcibly displaced from their homes and forced to flee their homeland;

— that Ireland, together with its fellow European Union (EU) member states have responded by activating the Temporary Protection Directive to provide a streamlined means of protecting those fleeing the conflict, which would otherwise have overwhelmed ordinary international protection systems in and across Europe; and

— that Ireland is a signatory to the United Nations’ 1951 Refugee Convention and participates in relevant provisions of the Common European Asylum System, including the 2004 Council Directive 2004/83/EC, Directive 2005/85/EC, Regulation (EU) No. 604/2013, EURODAC Regulation and Reception Conditions Directive; and EU member states have a shared responsibility toward those seeking protection, and work together to ensure protection applications are examined robustly and fairly and following uniform standards across the EU;

calls on each member of the House to:

— refrain from supporting, encouraging, facilitating, aiding or excusing those who would spread racist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, anti-Islamic or sectarian disinformation or conspiracy theories of any kind;

— condemn those who would spread such disinformation and incite violence against members of An Garda Síochána, the emergency services, transport workers, retail and other workers and vulnerable migrants; and

— support the maintenance, development and promotion of an inclusive, cohesive Ireland where the humanity and dignity of all persons is recognised; and

calls on the Government to:

— continue to stand resolutely with the Ukrainian government and its people and to work in solidarity with our EU colleagues to support those fleeing the appalling situation in Ukraine;

— continue to build efficient and effective migration pathways for the essential workers Ireland needs to support its society and economy;

— continue to maintain robust border controls at our ports and airports to ensure those arriving are legally entitled to enter Ireland; and

— continue engagement with, and support of, communities throughout Ireland who have welcomed those seeking refuge, either from Ukraine or elsewhere, to foster understanding and build positive linkages to the benefit of all.".

I am pleased to have the opportunity to contribute on the issue of immigration at what is a critical juncture. As a nation that, over the centuries, saw many people emigrate to find safety or work, the Irish people understand what it means to be a migrant and know how much Irish emigrants contributed to the social and economic fabric of the US, the UK, Australia and many other countries around the world.

I agree with Deputies across the House, in that we should be able to have an honest discussion in these Houses, particularly in light of the events of recent days when the mistruths and lies of the far right spread. We are a tolerant, fair and welcoming country and those who seek to promote division and hostility do not speak for us. They seek to promote the division and discrimination that Irish people faced abroad in past decades alongside people of colour when they were told, "No Blacks, No Irish need apply". Their sectarian and racist bile seeks to deny the dignity of men, women and children.

We all know that the far right wants to spread fear and turn our communities against one another. We cannot allow this divisive tone and language to enter our politics. I therefore call on each Member of this House and the Seanad to refrain from encouraging, aiding or excusing those who would spread racist, xenophobic, antisemitic, anti-Islamic or sectarian disinformation or conspiracy theories of any kind. Members should condemn those who would spread such disinformation and who would incite violence against members of An Garda Síochána and the emergency services, workers and vulnerable migrants. As public representatives, each and every one of us has a duty to support the maintenance, development and promotion of an inclusive and cohesive Ireland where the humanity and dignity of all persons is recognised. In light of recent events, these obligations have become more pressing than ever.

In this House, we must be honest about immigration. We need to acknowledge its overwhelming benefits to us as a nation as well as the challenges it presents. We must recognise the concerns that exist around housing and accommodation services and work together to proactively to address these challenges. My colleague, the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, will speak more on this.

Right now in Ireland, 20% of those of working age were born outside the country. Without all of the essential workers who have come to Ireland from overseas, buses would not run, patients in hospitals and care homes would be without nurses, doctors and care workers to care for them, shops would struggle to open, the tech sector would shrink, tourism services would fail, the economy would contract, our tax receipts would be decimated, public spending would have to be slashed, and unemployment would rise. We also have to be honest about the demographic challenges this country faces. Census 2022 shows a 26% increase among the over-70s in the past six years. We have an ageing population, which means that the proportion of working age people is shrinking. If we do not have enough workers, who will keep the economy going, staff our hospitals and pay the taxes needed to fund public services for older and vulnerable persons? Inward migration is key to plugging this gap.

All of this is to say nothing of the considerable cultural and personal value we derive from those who come to live in Ireland. Many of them have become Irish citizens and are our friends, declaring their fidelity to the nation and loyalty to the State. We will have many more wonderful citizenship ceremonies in the next two weeks. These people are our husbands and wives, our co-workers, our club mates, our neighbours and our friends, and we value them immensely.

In more recent times, our country has become a temporary home to some of the most vulnerable people in the world. In horror, we all watched the unlawful, inhumane and violent Russian attacks against Ukraine. Innocent civilians, including children, have been killed and injured, with millions displaced from their homes, forced to flee their homeland and not wanting to be anywhere near us. This country has shown extraordinary compassion in our response. We have provided temporary protection to more than 100,000 people since the commencement of Russia’s illegal war on Ukraine. These people are now a part of communities across the country.

The Government is proud of the swift action it took alongside other EU member states to activate the temporary protection directive, which ensured that the ordinary international protection systems across Europe were not overwhelmed by those fleeing the conflict. It was important that this did not happen because, like all other signatories to the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, we understand that seeking international protection is a human right. Ireland takes this obligation seriously.

Recently, we have seen a significant increase in the number of people coming to Ireland and making applications for international protection, but we are not alone in seeing these rising figures. The number of applications across Europe rose by 50% between 2021 and 2022, with Germany, France, Spain, Austria and Italy receiving the most applications. In Ireland, applications in 2022 accounted for just 1.3% of the EU total. While it feels like we have more than anyone else, we account for just 1.3% of the EU total.

We participate in the relevant provisions of the Common European Asylum System. Alongside all other EU member states, we have a shared responsibility toward those seeking protection and routinely work together to ensure that applications are examined robustly and fairly, following uniform standards across the EU. We have a robust system that ensures that all of the facts laid out by anyone seeking protection are explored fairly.

It is essential that we provide those who are in need of international protection with that status and all of the protections that go with it as quickly as possible. As to Deputies' point that Irish people got nothing when they went abroad, they did not, but why would we want that for someone who is here seeking protection and who needs help? We need to ensure that we can at least provide people with the basics when they come here seeking our assistance.

The Government has provided my Department with significant additional resources to increase our capacity to process applications. My Department has been working hard to manage the increase in international protection numbers in a fair and efficient way while ensuring the integrity of the international protection process is maintained at all times. We have already implemented a number of successful measures that are improving efficiencies and throughput and having a significant impact on the numbers being processed. Over the past year, the International Protection Office has tripled the number of monthly determinations, reaching more than 1,000 in November. We plan to deliver at least 14,000 decisions in 2024, a further increase of almost 5,000 cases. In November of last year, I signed a regulation to introduce an accelerated procedure for international protection applicants from designated safe countries. These applicants now typically receive a first instance decision within ten weeks, which is a significant reduction from the norm of 22 to 26 months early last year. The vast majority of these are refused, and refused quickly.

I will outline the situation pertaining to one country that people tend to mention. Last year, we had 2,710 applications from Georgia. To date this year, that number is down to 970. The accelerated process does not just mean that applications are processed more quickly. It is also sending a clear message that, if someone is coming here from a safe country and has no right or visa to be here, his or her application will be turned around. The vast majority of such applications are being refused.

All of these reforms have the purpose of giving status to those who are in need of protection to rebuild their lives here in Ireland while also ensuring faster decision making in respect of

those who do not meet the criteria. While it is essential that we provide status for those who are entitled to it as quickly as we can, it also essential that those who are found not to meet the criteria must return to their home country as quickly as possible. Removals are carried out when the persons concerned have not removed themselves from the State. Removals were suspended during the Covid pandemic but to date in 2023, 285 removals have taken place. My Department is currently engaging with the Garda National Immigration Bureau to enhance plans around removals for 2024.

We know that immigration and asylum are challenging issues across Europe. That is why Ireland is engaged in the negotiation of the EU asylum and migration pact. This aims to create a more efficient, effective, cohesive and sustainable migration and asylum system across Europe. The pact acknowledges that no country can manage migration alone and seeks to establish a common approach that is based on solidarity, responsibility and full respect for fundamental rights. As we move forward, we will continue to work in solidarity with our EU colleagues to

support those fleeing the appalling situation in Ukraine. We will keep developing efficient and effective migration pathways for the essential workers that Ireland needs to support its society and economy, while maintaining robust border controls at our ports and airports to ensure those arriving are legally entitled to enter Ireland.

It is worth remembering that, as Irish people, we have a unique empathy for the life of a migrant, with such a large Irish diaspora in countless places across the world who did

not always receive the welcome we would wish for them. We can decide to provide that welcome to those who come to Ireland to help build our communities and to maintain our economy. They deserve that welcome and we will continue to give it to them.

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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It is disappointing that such an important matter has been refused a proper debate in this Dáil until now. Inward migration has been left run out of control. In a recent Red C poll that was made very clear when more than 70% of people said we have done enough. However, this Government has ignored all concerns and rolled on as if the people of Ireland should not be listened to. We all know now that recent statements by the Taoiseach that we should slow the flow have come too late. The massive majority know that the slowing of the flow should have started last year. The Government has made shocking mistakes by opening our doors to everyone and anyone, especially to non-documented persons. This has led to genuine fears throughout the country.

As a local public representative, I find it impossible to find any information unless I find it out from owners of the buildings housing refugees by trying to squeeze information from them. Some of these people have made millions of euro from housing refugees. The Government does not give a damn whether these refugees have slate, metal or plastic over their heads as long as we flood Ireland with inward migrants. The Government and most Members of the Opposition in the Dáil will stoop to all levels before they allow democracy, a simple debate and an agreed way forward. Some politicians have moved this debate towards name-calling and some indecent comments have been made about incitement to hatred. This debate is about a very important topic, one that people discuss in kitchens, workplaces and coffee shops all over the country. We are here to talk about the challenges in our immigration and asylum system, which has been a major topic of discussion. Many people are worried about how this issue affects communities and resources. That is why we have brought it up.

Let me be clear: we support immigration and welcome people come here seeking asylum or to work and contribute positively to society. We recognise the benefits that immigration has brought to Ireland, especially in sectors like healthcare. However, we believe the Government should have the authority to regulate the number of people coming in. Right now, it seems the Government is avoiding dealing with immigration issues directly. This reflects a wider lack of leadership which may come from disagreements among Ministers or a lack of ability to handle these challenges. While the Government says it is very active, it often seems it is just busy without making real progress. Over the past 18 months, it has avoided discussing immigration, saying it is not the right time. We believe that now is a perfect time to have an open conversation because many people are deeply concerned.

We have tabled this motion because we think Ireland's immigration policy should be sustainable and have the support of the public. Government policies do not meet these criteria. We need a strong system to determine refugees status efficiently and, where someone does not qualify, to facilitate his or her return. At the same time, we should allow a controlled number of economically essential migrants. Ignoring this could lead to problems we have seen in other parts of Europe.

Communities all over Ireland are finding out about the relocation of asylum seekers without proper preparation, consultation or notice. Regardless of whether we agree with these objections or protests, these communities have a right to voice their concerns. It is not just the Government but some on the far left, including Members of this House, dismiss anyone with legitimate concerns about immigration. This approach, which suppresses discussion, can contribute to the rise of far-right sentiment. The Government needs to address these issues promptly to ensure a balanced and responsible approach to immigration Ireland. The current situation cannot continue.

The Government has said that Ireland has a legal obligation under EU law to accept unlimited members of asylum seekers, but this is not true. Ireland is not bound by EU law on immigration and asylum matters. When the EU proposes laws in these areas, Ireland has three months to decide if it wants to participate. If we do not opt in, we are considered to have opted out and the discussion can go on without us. Any laws passed then apply to other EU countries but not to Ireland, so Ireland is not legally required to accept unlimited numbers.

The Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth reports a significant 37% increase in non-Ukrainian residents in international protection accommodation services, IPAS, in 2023, reaching a total of 26,092 by 26 November 2023. Currently, there are more than 26,092 IPAS residents in more than 200 centres across Ireland. This is a 150% increase from the 10,447 residents in March 2022. The cost of IPAS accommodation in 2022 alone was €356 million and is expected to exceed €500 million in 2023. Additionally, IPAS residents receive a weekly allowance after meals are provided and they can apply for further financial support, if needed. It is important to note that all these expenses are borne by taxpayers, which is a concern for the public. The lack of transparency in the significant financial matters underscores the need for an inclusive and informed discussion.

In 2022, international protection applications surged to 13,651, a 415% increase from 2021 and a 186% increase from 2019. Georgia became the leading country of origin for applicants in 2022, despite being designated as a safe country of origin by the Department of Justice. The cost to taxpayers for accommodating IPAS asylum applications from 2016 to 2022 exceeded €1 billion. In October alone, 1,382 asylum seekers arrived, with 50% of these being single males. They now make up more than 48% of all IPAS residents. Communities across the country have expressed concerns about safety, strained resources and facilities due to overcrowded accommodation, including repurposed nursing homes for single males. The lack of a clear way to distinguish genuine asylum seekers from others burdens the immigration IPAS system and causes anxiety in local communities. The data shows a concerning average of 45 daily arrivals in October. This is a 250% increase from April's average of 18 daily arrivals. While other European Union countries are tightening immigration laws, Ireland's more lenient laws attract asylum seekers, leading to what is now known as asylum tourism. The Government's immigration policy is seen as reckless and ineffective, resulting in a staggering 270% increase in the number of residents in the IPAS system since the current coalition took office.

Despite the increase in immigration, the number of non-EU nationals deported due to criminality has dropped significantly. A recent opinion poll emphasised the public's concern about immigration and the need for a genuine debate on this topic. The influx of non-Ukrainian asylum seekers has put a strain on the finances and accommodation demands of the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth. The rise in interest penalties reflects the chaotic system in place and the Department's inability to handle payments efficiently. This highlights the need for a more organised and transparent approach.

The Government's amendment is intentionally misleading and diverges from the general concerns of the public. Its consistent response has been to gaslight the issue, manipulating information, distorting facts and denying reality to sow doubt and confusion. This deliberate tactic undermines public trust, obscures accountability and impedes constructive dialogue on this pressing matter. Our motion explicitly does not criticise the influx of Ukrainian refugees or immigrants coming here to work but extends a warm welcome to both groups.

Instead, it specifically raises concerns about the large number of non-Ukrainian asylum seekers, many of whom are single males from safe countries of origin. The Government's response has disregarded this concern despite the country facing a critical shortage of accommodation and a continuing influx of IPAS applicants. Moreover, the Government is resorting to condescending sneering at individuals expressing concerns about uncapped numbers of asylum seekers. This not only dismisses valid apprehensions held across the State but also creates a hostile environment that discourages open discourse. This approach undermines democratic principles, stifles public engagement and fosters disdain for those seeking transparency and accountability in Government policies, thereby contributing to the breakdown of the social contract between the State and the people.

The Government's amendment is tone-deaf to the genuinely held concerns expressed about immigration nationwide, as confirmed by numerous recent opinion polls showing that a majority of Irish people believe Ireland has taken in far too many refugees. The Government's response to our motion is neither rational nor fair; instead, it is divisive and lacking. It provides no plan or strategy to address this crisis, which has been caused by the Government’s policy position on immigration. The Government's amendment falsely implies engagement with local communities throughout Ireland who have had asylum seekers placed in their local areas. However, there has been zero engagement before asylum seekers are placed in accommodation centres. The Government’s amendment fosters division by branding anyone raising valid concerns as spreading disinformation, being racist and xenophobic or engaging in conspiracy theories. This gaslights the situation rather than addressing the need for a Government that listens to the public, open dialogue, and debate that unites a country while implementing a reasonable and fair immigration policy.

Meanwhile, Labour is advocating for more funding for immigration centres, an increase in asylum seekers coming into the country despite no available accommodation, and the fast-tracking of hate speech legislation. I will not be silenced while I am in this Chamber on any issues of serious concern to my electorate.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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We move to Sinn Féin. Six Deputies are sharing. I call Deputy Daly.

Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)
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The immigration, migration and asylum debate, like the system, often seems unclear, unfocused and even chaotic, and often sees more disinformation than almost any other issue in the public policy sphere, on common travel areas, EU travel zones, stamp 4, work visas, international protection and the Ukrainian scheme. It is also worth remembering that 100,000 people arrived in Ireland last year on work visas and they are the people staffing our nursing homes and hospitals.

Nation states can and should manage their borders and we do not believe in an open border policy. We believe that all states should manage migration, and this includes having an immigration and asylum system with well-functioning rules and regulations. However, those rules and regulations must be clear and understandable to everyone. In an area like healthcare, for example, many of those working in such roles are migrants themselves. The current stamp system requires more staffing and resourcing to give quicker responses. We need a fair and efficient system, which includes returning failed applicants. It is clear that the asylum system is failing and it is a failure of Government because the Government’s own plan, while not perfect, has not been implemented.

There is still a total reliance on the private direct provision market. Providers are cashing in, buying cheaper hotels or guesthouses and sometimes renovating them, sometimes not, but making huge amounts of money with no consideration or consultation with the area in which they have purchased, and no consideration for services to be provided for those making applications for international protection. Why would they, when the Government has made it so easy for them? We then have the inevitable frustration among people in certain areas, including places like Killarney, who feel tired and feel that having taken in thousands, once again their areas are being taken for granted and asked to accommodate more when other areas are not hosting at all.

Turning to the motion, we agree that large amounts are spent on private accommodation. As in so many other areas, the Government is using current spending to chase what should be a capital spend. The unsuitability of the accommodation provided, as well as the location of much of it in peripheral places, is exacerbating problems and causing issues with integration that are being exploited by some people.

Some issues have turned up in the debate today. It is not correct to say that the Irish who went abroad did not avail of services in other countries. Every single month in my office, sometimes every week, I deal with people who want to return home from England who have benefited from the National Health Service and who have been provided with accommodation by the English state for many years. It is correct that some areas are feeling anxiety but that is because there is a lot of disinformation provided by people who link asylum seekers to criminality, which is irresponsible and unacceptable. While there are undoubtedly pressures due to the large numbers seeking protection and the Russian aggression in Ukraine, it is not acceptable that the Government is not following its own White Paper.

The Catherine Day report suggested State-led reception centres around the Twenty-six Counties where applicants would stay while their applications were being processed. A clear phase 1 and phase 2 approach, with reception centres followed by own-door accommodation, is what is required. The White Paper allowed for some ambiguity in how this was to be achieved but the Government has exploited that by mostly focusing on private provision. No progress has been made. There were also IT innovations and other measures recommended in the Catherine Day report but the applications are still taking a long time to process and there are lengthy delays in appeals.

In short, we need certainty and we need a system that is clear: clear for the public, clear for applicants and clear in addressing those who have genuine concerns.

Matt Carthy (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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It is important that this House talks about migration because there is a conversation taking place in every community, possibly around every dinner table, and we know that some of that conversation has been influenced by distortion and exaggeration and, in some instances, downright lies that have been disseminated by what can only be described as nasty actors, particularly online. We must acknowledge, though, that there are genuine concerns within our communities. I know that some fear that any public acknowledgement of those concerns would encourage or strengthen those nasty actors, but I have to say that the vast majority of people who raise the issue of migration with me are not nasty or racist.

The concerns they have raised with me relate primarily to the crises in housing, healthcare and community safety. In each of those instances, the cause is not migrants, and it is the parties of Government that have actually made these crises worse. People who speak with me are not anti-migrant. Most of them were migrants themselves, or their family members were among the millions of Irish people who went abroad in search of a better life, and they have welcomed those who have come to Ireland in recent times for the exact same reason. They expect those who come to Ireland to be treated the same and to have the same rights and responsibilities that we would expect Irish people to have in the many countries that our people move to. They want a fair immigration system with well-functioning rules and regulations that everyone understands, one that serves the interests of all the people who call Ireland home. That is Sinn Féin's position also, not open borders, as some have suggested.

The overwhelming majority of those who come here, whether because of EU free movement, permit schemes or through the international protection system, contribute positively to our society. They make Ireland a better place and they should be treated with respect. If anyone breaches that respect by breaking the law, then he or she should no longer be entitled to remain in Ireland, and we should all be comfortable in saying that, knowing, as we do, that we are referring to a tiny minority of those involved.

People have a right under international law to seek protection and Ireland has an obligation to treat those who do so with compassion and respect while their application is being decided. However, it has to be said that the process currently takes far too long to conclude. Some applicants wait years, which is unfair to them, but it also adds to the sense that the system is broken. If an applicant is not entitled to asylum, then, of course, he or she should leave. There is a problem when the Government cannot outline how many people have actually left when deportation orders have issued. The failure to plan to manage these issues effectively and the two-tier approach that has been adopted has now led to some vulnerable people being handed a sleeping bag and told to live on the street. That is disgraceful. There is a clear capacity issue that the Government does not seem to see. Again, the fault lines for these issues lie not at the doors of migrants but at the door of the Government, but that does not mean that we pretend they are not there.

We must also acknowledge that the failure to engage with local communities on the location of international emergency accommodation has made problems worse. People do get angry that some private individuals are making an awful lot of money from the system while the local community feels that it is being left without the supports they need. That needs to change. Our migration systems need to be fair and compassionate. When they are, Irish people will be accommodating and welcoming.

We know that because we have seen it in our own communities, in every city, town and village, over recent years. The recent increases in racist incidents are deplorable and must be challenged by everyone in this House. However, we must also accept that there are concerns and that all of us in political life have an obligation to listen to those concerns. If we do listen to those concerns and act in a compassionate and fair way, we can resolve the issues that have been raised.

Claire Kerrane (Roscommon-Galway, Sinn Fein)
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I listened carefully to the Minister's speech and, unfortunately, she never once mentioned the Government's responsibility to provide additional practical supports and services to communities where populations have increased due to new arrivals. The first thing that most people in these communities will tell you is that the existing services and supports are already under pressure. They will almost always mention the local GP. As I have repeatedly said, the frustration and tension this causes in communities would be easily avoided if each Department did its bit. We are putting 100 refugees into Ballaghaderreen. What do they need? The two GPs are running waiting lists. Can we put a contract nurse into the health centre that is sitting there? Can we share that resource with Boyle, which now has nearly 300 refugees and is also under pressure? Can we do something? Can the HSE do anything to support these communities? I cannot understand why we allow this to build up. It is deliberate because I have raised it repeatedly and nothing has changed. The Tánaiste told me last week that he would provide a list of where medical resources have been put in place. I am still waiting for that list because it has not been provided.

My hometown is Ballaghaderreen. We have been receiving refugees since 2017 and have nothing to show for it. Unlike in some places, these refugees were welcomed. That was it. There was nothing else. There were no additional resources or practical supports. For people - they are not in Ballaghaderreen - in areas where new arrivals are not wanted, this hands them the perfect excuse on a plate. They will say they do not have the resources or supports and cannot manage. In an awful lot of cases, that can be dealt with by Government, Department by Department. I refer particularly to the Departments of Health and Education. It is not happening, however.

I welcome the community recognition fund. It is a good initiative but it is for sports clubs and local organisations. It does not provide the practical supports and services that are needed. In the case of Ballaghaderreen, funding for a new childcare facility was announced four or five years ago. That funding has recently been pulled. This is the most economically and socially poor town in County Roscommon but it has done more than its bit. Again, this funding has recently been pulled so it has nothing to show for that.

Before I conclude, I will note that I see an issue. If it begins to grow, we are going to have more tension and more frustration. People are buying up buildings, particularly in rural communities where there are not sufficient supports and services, and making a ton of money. Frankly, they could not care less about the community. That is going to become a big issue if it continues to grow and if more and more buildings are used for this purpose without supports and services being provided by Government. I again ask the Government to do its bit, Department by Department. It should avoid this tension and frustration by providing supports to these communities.

David Cullinane (Waterford, Sinn Fein)
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The Irish people, or at least the vast majority of them, will never be led by extreme voices when it comes to immigration because Irish people are fair and welcoming. We have seen that over the course of many years. Properly managed immigration enriches a society. We see this in our hospitals with nurses, doctors, healthcare assistants and specialists right across the health service coming here from a vast array of different countries to work in our hospitals. People support that and benefit from it. However, while they are fair, Irish people also want common sense. When it comes to immigration, I have to say they do not see it. Over recent years, we have seen no planning ahead, no engagement and no follow-up with communities. This creates an unnecessary tension and unnecessary problems. That is clearly down to a failure of planning.

As with other speakers, I am not in favour of open borders. We need a managed immigration system. However, it has to be one that is fair, efficient and enforced. The current system is not fair and it is not efficient because it takes far too long for applications to be processed. We have been pointing this out for years. People are stuck in direct provision centres, often for years after a decision has been made to refuse their application. They are not returned home but stay in reception centres taking up space when we now have people coming in and being given sleeping bags and tents. These are people who are going through the system and who will qualify for international protection. Unless people see a system that is fair, efficient and enforced, more people will become frustrated with Government and with the political system.

I agree with Deputy Kerrane on the approach of the Minister and her Government over recent years, which has been to buy or rent properties from very wealthy individuals who are making a lot of money out of this and to have people in centres where they are out of sight and out of mind and do not have access to services. There is no planning as to what is needed in each parish and community, which is exactly what we should not be doing. Unless we pick up speed in processing applications, unless people see that fairness and unless people see the system being enforced, which it currently is not, people will become more and more frustrated. My party is in favour of a far, efficient and enforced system.

Pauline Tully (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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Irish people have experienced the devastation of having to make the journey to foreign shores not knowing if they would be welcomed when they got there. In most cases, they were welcomed with open arms but, in some cases, they were not welcomed by people who were intent on sowing division. If any people know the need to offer a welcome and refuge to those fleeing conflict or persecution, it is the Irish people and the vast majority do think that way.

That being said, I have questions as to how the Government has handled the situation. The Government has failed communities by not putting in place the additional resources necessary to accommodate the additional people. Indeed, these communities were under-resourced in general prior to the arrival of asylum seekers. We need additional teachers, additional gardaí and more GPs. Communities are not being appropriately listened to and have concerns which need to be listened to, engaged with and resolved. Organisations, such as family resource centres, youth facilities, addiction and mental health services, which are at the coalface of trying to assist the growing number of asylum seekers while also trying to assist those vulnerable communities they were originally set up to assist, have not received any additional supports and are being stretched to breaking point.

The Government is also failing asylum seekers. It was very obvious that the Government was not and still is not prepared for the large number of asylum seekers arriving here. The Government has adopted a two-tier system of asylum and that has led to the fracturing of relationships and resentment between different groups of asylum seekers. It is unfair and it has also led to differing levels of supports, fracturing relationships with Irish people and other working people here in this country. It is stoking up resentment and that is being exploited.

Outside of the asylum system, many immigrants have come to work in Ireland to seek out a better future for themselves and their families. We are familiar with this story because we have emigrated all over the world not knowing what type of reception we would receive. Just as most Irish people have brought many valuable attributes to the countries we went to, so too have most of the immigrants coming here. Indeed, without the immigrants currently here in Ireland, many vital areas of our economy and our health system could not function.

Much misinformation is being spread and little has been done to counter this by the Government. We hear constantly about unvetted immigrants yet the fact is that on arrival, asylum seekers are interviewed by an immigration officer. They are registered at the international protection office. They are finger-printed. They are photographed. They are checked to establish if they have applied for asylum elsewhere or have criminal records. This system, however, is not robust enough. It needs to be resourced properly. Decisions on asylum applications need to be quicker and deportations, when that is the outcome, must be overseen and carried out in a timely manner. Sinn Féin believes Ireland, like every other country, must have control over its borders and must have a fair, efficient and enforced immigration system, a system with well-functioning rule and regulations that everyone understands and that serves the interests of the Irish people.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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I move amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 1:

After "build positive linkages to the benefit of all" to insert the following:

"further calls on the Government to:

— appoint a dedicated Minister for Immigration and Integration to lead a whole of Government approach to migrant integration, and the provision of emergency accommodation and services;

— ensure that, when new accommodation and reception centres are being opened, access to healthcare, education, transport and other services are co-ordinated in parallel, with adequate resourcing provided;

— convene a Government-led conference at national level as part of the development of a new National Integration Strategy, and hold open workshops in local communities across the country;

— deliver on the recommendations of the Expert Advisory Group on ending Direct Provision;

— roll out dedicated information campaigns to inform communities of what actions the State is taking, of the positive aspects of migration, and to debunk myths and misinformation;

— provide a substantial increase in the funding allocated to the National Integration Fund 2023, and invest in community and volunteer groups providing crucial local supports;

— fully resource the National Action Plan against Racism, and pass the long-awaited Criminal Justice (Incitement to Violence or Hatred and Hate Offences) Bill 2022;

— reduce the waiting time to work for those in international protection from six to three months, and speed up the processing of asylum applications;

— work with social partners, and in particular trade unions, to ensure migrants are supported in the workplace to tackle exploitation and know their rights, and resource a dedicated programme of Workplace Relations Commissions inspectors to protect migrant workers from work-based discrimination;

— provide gradual mobility for general employment permit holders, family reunion rights, fair immigration fees and an ongoing mechanism for undocumented people to regularise their immigration status; and

— change the law to provide citizenship for those born here as outlined in Labour's Irish Nationality and Citizenship (Naturalisation of Minors Born in Ireland) Bill 2018 [Seanad].".

One could reduce this motion from the Rural Independent Group to two phrases: be afraid of the outsider; vote for me. This is lowest common denominator politics from a lowest common denominator political grouping. I am used to hearing the rhetoric from the Rural Independents in regards to immigration and I am used to being disgusted by it.

The issue with the Rural Independents is they are not used to being challenged; they think they can say what they want where they want in whatever way they want. As soon as one challenges them, they seek legal advice, which is what a coward does. A coward reaches for the legal advice when you challenge him or her on the facts.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Sorry, a Chathaoirligh Gníomhach, we are no cowards. We will not take that language at all.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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A number of years ago-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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We were never cowards. Never in our lives were we cowards and I will not take that from this blackguard either.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Let the Deputy speak.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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A number of years ago, one of the Deputies opposite suggested that asylum seekers were hoodlums, blackguards and freeloaders-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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We never said that.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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-----and he knew what he was saying when he said that because he was trying to say, "Beware of the outsider; vote for me."

Over the past month, we have had another member of the Rural Independents on five different occasions link immigration with criminality; stating on the record of this House that elderly people and women and children are "scared alive". We have another Deputy in the Rural Independents suggest in an interview last year that we are losing our culture because of immigration. All of this is: beware of the outsider; vote for me. There is nothing more despicable, more cowardly and more debased in Irish politics than the actions of the members of the Rural Independent Group in relation to the immigration question.

If they are saying that on the floor of this House, you can only imagine what they are saying in public meetings or at doorsteps in their own constituencies because even though their voting record in here is anti-women, anti-LGBT, anti-road safety and anti-worker - I remember that famously, we brought forward a motion in terms of having a living wage for workers-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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What did the Deputy do-----

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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They voted against it because they might have to pay their own workers a little bit more money.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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How many Garda stations did the Deputy's party close? It reduced the force by 1,000.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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This is the politics of the Rural Independents because they want to consistently tell me-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Please.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I will not take that rubbish at all, without telling him the truth.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy Danny Healy-Rae is free to leave, but stop interrupting.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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What they want to consistently tell people is, "You need to be afraid of the outsider; vote for me." I would say to the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach and to the Minister-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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We did more for the outsiders than Deputy Ó Ríordáin and his gang will ever do.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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I did not utter a word when I was listening to the falsehoods and scaremongering-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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There were no falsehoods.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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-----of the presentations the Deputy made earlier this morning.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Sorry, Deputy Ó Ríordáin, we will hold the clock. Deputy Danny Healy-Rae, you cannot keep interrupting. You should either leave or let the Deputy finish his time.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I was elected by the people of Kerry to come up in here-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I understand.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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And I was elected by the people of Dublin Bay North.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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-----and them and them alone will put me out of it.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy, let the other Deputies finish their time without interruption.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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Five times-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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They do you that courtesy. We will start the clock now.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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Five times over the past month, Deputy Danny Healy-Rae, in particular, has linked criminality with immigration. Five times, on the record of this House, the Deputy has said that elderly people, women and children are scared alive because of immigration. Is he in any way surprised that he is raising temperatures, tension and fear in local communities when he consistently-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I never said-----

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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You know exactly what you are doing.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Excuse me, Deputy Ó Ríordáin, speak through the Chair.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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They know exactly what they are doing when they are linking immigration with criminality.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Speak through the Chair or I will suspend the House. It is as simple as that.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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He cannot help it. He is a horrible person and he cannot help but being horrible.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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There must be order. There is order called to the House.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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An absolutely horrible man.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call on Deputy Ó Ríordáin to continue but speak through the Chair.

Carol Nolan (Laois-Offaly, Independent)
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Deputy Ó Ríordáin has no respect for other people either.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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I will state clearly what immigration does to this country. I agree that the Irish are all over the world. It is stunning hypocrisy for us. Two weeks after somebody set fire to a bus on O'Connell Street and had a riot through the city, they must be laughing this morning that the national Parliament is having a discussion on immigration. They must have really felt that they achieved their goal when they ripped through the city centre, when they assaulted gardaí, when they set fire to Garda vehicles, when they intimidated bus workers, when they intimidated Luas workers, when they made Dublin City Council workers have to clean up the place the next day, and when they made everybody in this city feel fearful, wounded and traumatised. They must be delighted that the Rural Independent Group listened to their call and put down a motion on immigration. They must be absolutely delighted. I say, "Well done, congratulations."

I will say this about immigration. Immigration keeps this city together. Immigration keeps this country together. If one needs a health worker, a retail worker or a bus driver, these are the people who are holding our society together. There is nothing to be feared when it comes to immigration. You cannot legitimately link immigration with loss of culture or with criminality unless your political mantra is, "Be afraid of the foreigner; vote for me."

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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We never said that.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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There are things that are more important that getting votes. There are things more than re-election for yourself. There are things that are more important to the human condition about solidarity and about looking somebody else in the eye and knowing that he or she is a fellow human being doing his or her best to raise his or her family and to contribute to society, and what Members in this House are consistently doing is linking immigration with criminality and making people feel fearful of the outsider. I, I have to say, have had enough of it.

The Minister has his own responsibility and the Government's responsibility to send out information which is myth-busting. It is the Minister's responsibility to challenge this stuff head-on. It is the Minister's responsibility to make sure that when people of good nature, good character and good politics are faced with this sort of rhetoric, we have the information to hand in order to dispel these myths.

I will not stand in this Chamber and listen to the type of lies, fearmongering-----

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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The Deputy cannot accuse us of telling lies.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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-----and lowest common denominator politics-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I ask the Deputy to withdraw the word "lies".

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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He is a horrible little man and he cannot contain himself.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I am speaking.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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He is a horrible man.

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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How anyone gets him to represent them I do not know.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Is there an issue with the Cathaoirleach speaking?

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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No.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Please do not interrupt. I ask the Deputy Ó Ríordáin to withdraw the word "lies".

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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I am happy to use the word "untruths".

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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That is fine.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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That is a withdrawal there. Horrible little man.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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I will say what I have to say without fear of legal action by Members opposite. I will say the following about immigration and this country: we have a moral and an historical obligation in this because the Irish are all over the world. We have an obligation to be as accommodating and welcoming as possible. The Government has a responsibility to give information to the entire country about the nature of our process and system but we also have a moral and an historical obligation to never stoop to the depths of the Rural Independent Group and to say to the outsider, "You are not welcome, we must be fearful of you and vote for me."

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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The Labour Party took women's pensions away from them.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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The death tax.

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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They were never worried about the rights of the Irish.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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We know what Labour's history was.

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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A disgrace to the name of-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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They closed the Garda stations all around rural Ireland.

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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Labour are finished in this House. They are finished in Irish politics. They are history.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Labour is an irrelevant party. That is what is wrong with Labour.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I will not ask again.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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They are hurting badly.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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You are hurting your motion.

Michael Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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They cannot stick the truth.

Holly Cairns (Cork South West, Social Democrats)
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This motion is a disgrace. It involves point after point of dog whistles. I do not believe that the Rural Independent Group does not know exactly what it is doing here. They all know well that they are pandering to the far right, stoking up divisions and spreading fear and complete misinformation. In doing so, they are putting a target on the backs of migrants and asylum seekers for the sake of a few votes. They should be ashamed of themselves. The idea that a group would submit a motion on asylum seekers, while failing to have a basic understanding of the process, is astounding.

The motion states that there is a lack of an objective mechanism to distinguish genuine, ungenuine, legal or illegal asylum seekers. What do the Deputies think the International Protection Office, IPO, does? The international protection, IP, process is an objective determination, the terms of which are set out in the International Protection Act 2015. I suggest that the Deputies read it. Granting refugee status does not happen on the first day someone arrives in Ireland seeking protection. It is a complex legal process that can take months or years. Any person who wishes to seek protection in Ireland has to arrive physically in Ireland and make an application for refugee status. Once that application has been accepted they are classed as an asylum seeker. There is no such thing as an illegal asylum seeker; every single one is in this country legally. Saying otherwise in this motion, in this House, and in your constituencies is inflammatory and wrong.

There are many flaws in our IP system. Direct provision is a cruel and inhumane system that is unfit for purpose. It takes far too long for people to receive refugee status that allows them to live a normal life in Ireland, and some decisions on asylum applications taken by the IPO have been appalling. There are a lot of real problems in the system, and instead of debating those issues, we are debating nonsense. There are four references to single males in this motion. There has been a lot of scaremongering around the idea of “single military aged men” seeking protection in Ireland. There are real reasons many asylum seekers are men. Families in dangerous situations have to make incredibly difficult decisions about who leaves first. Most cannot afford to send everyone, and all they know is the path to safety is dangerous. Often it is a physical journey, walking for miles and miles and crossing seas, with a significant risk of violence, sexual assault and human trafficking. Families send those who they feel are most likely to reach safety. Most often these are their fathers, brothers and sons, all making the perilous journey to find safety so that they can someday provide a lifeline for their family.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae has suggested on several occasions in this House that women and girls in Killarney and Muckross are in danger from these men. Let us be clear; there is no link between asylum seekers and crime. That is the case here, and that is the case internationally. Some asylum seekers come from countries that are classed as a “safe country of origin”. That classification does not mean the country is safe for everyone. Asylum seekers are not just fleeing war. They are members of the LGBT community, women's rights activists, members of political groups and trade unionists. The international protection process does not determine anyone’s refugee status on the basis of their country of origin. Everyone is assessed individually, as they should be.

The announcement by the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, this week that international protection applicants would no longer be housed, but be handed an extra €75 and a tent, is an indictment of this Government and this State. It is a failure to meet our responsibilities under the reception conditions directive. The Business Postreported yesterday that the Minister had begun to gauge interest in the building of modular housing for Ukrainian refugees. This is the second time this year that people seeking sanctuary in Ireland will be out on the streets and he is only now gauging interest. Where is the urgency? Where is the planning? Where is the Minister for housing? He has a plan to restrict access to homeless accommodation to non-residents.

Temperatures are already subzero. Vulnerable people seeking sanctuary, with no friends or family to rely on, are going to freeze on our streets. It is disgraceful for the Minister for housing to propose checking residency cards at the door for people to come in out of the cold. We need additional facilities; we needed them months ago. Vacant houses and public buildings are sitting empty across the country and several facilities earmarked for accommodation have been abandoned due to local opposition. Let me be clear; no one has a veto over who lives in their community. By bowing to this pressure, the Government is emboldening these protests and by refusing to engage with communities in the first place, the Government is creating an information vacuum that the far right is only too happy to fill.

Deputy O’Gorman’s Department must reach out to communities with information, and engage. It must not consult but it must listen and address people’s concerns. If people are worried about GP services and school places, all of these matters should be within the Government’s ability to address. Capacity can always be increased in these services and having more people in the community in need of services increases the argument for doing so.

Lost in these debates on immigration is the value of inclusion. I appeal to people who hear the language used by the Rural Independent Group today, or by far-right groups online, and feel somewhat sympathetic. Do not believe the voices who want them to fear migrants, who question their legality and who tell them that they give nothing to Ireland. The work of countless organisations, groups and individuals across Ireland, day after day, shows the value of immigrants and asylum seekers and what they have brought to Ireland. They are our friends, families and loved ones. They are our teachers, nurses and builders. They are organisations like Sanctuary Runners and restaurants like Izz Cafe in Cork city. They make our culture and communities richer. They provide employment and keep public services and businesses afloat. They bring new life to our towns, villages, rural areas and cities. Our society is stronger together than we are apart. We cannot allow divisions to grow in our communities and we cannot become suspicious of our neighbours. We have to be clear in our values as a nation; we value diversity, human rights and communities. We value immigration.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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Two weeks ago we had riots, incited by the far right, on our streets. Now we have migrants in our city who are afraid to go out for fear that they will be targeted by the far right.

What has been the response of the Rural Independent Group? During the original debate and then during the debate yesterday, all of them were at pains to emphasise that the riots that took place were nothing to do with the far right, whitewashing the role of the far right. Now we have opportunistically, disgustingly, an attempt to use the riots to press forward the idea that immigration and asylum seekers are a problem in our society, using the language of the far right, talking about unvetted single males and blaming them for the housing crisis. It is really disgusting stuff from the Deputies.

The Deputies like to cover this all up by saying they just want a reasonable debate about immigration and asking if they can have a reasonable debate. My answer to their "reasonable debate" is that immigration is not a problem. Immigration is not responsible for the housing crisis, contrary to what is in this motion. We had a historic housing crisis before Putin invaded Ukraine and before the increase in the number of asylum seekers. Immigration is not responsible for the healthcare crisis in this country. In fact, without immigration, the healthcare crisis would get much worse. Immigration is not responsible for crime. There is no evidence to link immigration or asylum-seeking to any increase in crime.

Why then do we have people in the Dáil, outside the Dáil and in the Seanad who are spreading misinformation, spreading untruths, and trying to blame immigrants, particularly asylum seekers, for things they are not responsible for? Whose interest does that serve? It serves the interests of those who are actually responsible for the crises we have in our society, to distract from their responsibility and to divide ordinary people. It is to have ordinary people not looking up at the rich and powerful in our society, and the Government that represents them, who are responsible for all the crises that people face, but instead looking down at other vulnerable people coming from other countries.

Take the example of the housing crisis referenced in the motion. Who is responsible for the housing crisis? The class of landlords, developers and speculators represented by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael is responsible. They are putting those profits first. We have among the Deputies the biggest landlord in the Dáil, Michael Healy-Rae.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank Deputy Murphy. Deputy Barry has two minutes.

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Let him tell us about the day with the holding up of Joan Burton.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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Go on. Danny Healy-Rae, with his plant hire business, makes hundreds of thousands of euro from-----

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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-----from Kerry County Council. Deputy McGrath is making money from Tipperary County Council.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy Murphy, resume your seat.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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These are the people. Corrupt politicians like Michael Lowry, happy to-----

Danny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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You held up the bonnet of Joan Burton's car. Was that law and order?

Michael Collins (Cork South West, Independent)
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Deputy Murphy is a disgrace.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I am going to suspend the House for five minutes. Are we going to resume with decorum? Please. Deputy Mick Barry has two minutes. I am not interested in the clock. You are the ones disrupting it.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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"Ireland, we are at war." That was the tweet from Conor McGregor after the conviction of Ashling Murphy's killer. McGregor has 1.7 million followers on X, formerly Twitter, very many of them young men. McGregor has been demanding that immigrants who commit crimes should be deported. If enforced in the United States, by the way, this would lead to the deportation of McGregor himself. In 2018, he pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct in New York after being filmed throwing a trolley through a window of a bus.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I have to caution Deputy Barry about people who are not here to defend themselves, regardless of who or what. I will read it: Members should not comment, criticise or make charges against a person outside the House or an official, either by name or in such a way as to make them identifiable, as he is defenceless against accusations made under privilege of the House. Does Deputy Barry accept that?

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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It is a matter of public record.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Would Deputy Barry like to withdraw those comments?

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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It is a matter of public record. I will move on. What image does McGregor promote to his young male followers? It is an ultra-macho image and an image of toxic masculinity. It is bad news for women, for LGBTQ people and for society. It is also bad news for young men, imprisoning them in a rigid gender stereotype. The multimillionaire tweeter, who told his huge young male following that they were at war, did not go out on the streets to fight himself. Presumably, he stayed at home and tweeted. Many of those young men who went out are the ones who got arrested, who will come before the courts and who will have their futures jeopardised.

There are politicians too who like to turn up the temperature but do not turn out to fight.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Thank you, Deputy. Your time is up. I call Deputy Bríd Smith.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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The day before the riots, Deputy Mattie McGrath told the Dáil there was a quiet invasion taking place.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy Barry's time is up.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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It is okay. He can have some time.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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Bríd Smith has given me an extra few seconds.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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That is fine then. We will ignore the Chair.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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The day before the riot, Deputy McGrath told the Dáil that a quiet invasion is taking place.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, RISE)
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It is a disgrace.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
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The same day, Deputy Danny Healy-Rae, referring to male asylum seekers in Kerry, said "they have landed now" and that women and girls who used to walk the Muckross Road, morning, noon and night will all stop doing that because they are worried about their safety. There are people of colour who are too afraid to come into town to work after those riots. There are LGBTQ people who are keeping their heads down after those riots. Wild talk exacts a price in human suffering. The Deputies who put forward a motion riddled with racist tropes, racist myths and racist stereotypes have a lot to answer for.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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Hear, hear.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
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When I read this motion yesterday, I was highly amused or found it very strange that there was so much reference to Georgia, immigrants coming from Georgia, and the big study obviously done by the workers in Deputy McGrath's office to research Georgia. It is very interesting to see how obsessed they are with Georgia and Georgians. To be honest, I do not see how Georgians pose such a big threat. I was a bit late coming in here but I was listening to the debate and there is an element of the debate that we are leaving out, which is the question of the right to work. The late, great Shane McGowan will be laid to rest on Friday. No doubt Mattie McGrath will be at his funeral. Shane McGowan was an advocate for immigrants all over the world and wrote beautiful words celebrating immigration and the experience in particular of Irish people around the world when he sang:

Thousands are sailing

Again across the western ocean

Where the hand of opportunity

Draws tickets in a lottery.

That is exactly what it is like for immigrants who want to work and who want to contribute to society. They move across the planet because of war, persecution, discrimination and, increasingly, the impact of climate change. So get used to it Deputies. Immigration across the planet is going to increase. It is here to stay and we have to respect those people who want to come here to work, to contribute to society and to develop as real human beings.

Peadar Tóibín (Meath West, Aontú)
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The Irish people are decent and generous and want to do their best to help those who are in need. Most Irish people want to provide supports for people fleeing violence and war. It is also important to state that communities across the country have welcomed migrants successfully and that many migrants make a very important contribution to both Irish society and the Irish economy. Aontú is a republican political party so we believe that everybody who is in Ireland should be treated equally and with fairness, no matter what their background is. The colour of a person's skin should have no more significance than the colour of their eyes. It is also the case that we need to call out racism where it exists. The Dublin riots shockingly brought a level of racism to the fore that I have never experienced in this country before.

We in Aontú have been calling for a respectful debate on immigration for the last four years. We live in a democracy and citizens have the right to say what is happening in their own country. For the last number of years, discussions on migration have been happening pretty much in every house across the length and breadth of the country. That has happened in every house except in the Houses of the Oireachtas. I believe the lack of debate has been a significant problem. If political representatives of the people do not discuss this issue respectfully, this debate does not disappear. It will be pushed underground into the hands of those who will use it for nefarious purposes. Ireland has a long history of taboo issues and brushing major problems under the carpet. The issues do not disappear. They always have to be dealt with.

Remember who we are. We are Teachtaí Dála. That means we are messengers of the people. Our job is to bring the concerns of the people into this Chamber and to debate them respectfully. People want a properly managed system of migration in Ireland. They also want a sustainable system.

Unfortunately, that is not what is happening so I am going to focus my debate on the Government's actions regarding migration policy. First, there is little or no consultation within local communities and we have raised this over and over again. The Government is ignoring local communities even when they bring forward proposals relating to accommodation solutions to the Government. This vacuum of information is a Petri dish for rumour on what is happening in those local areas and it is a direct result of the Government's actions. To date, we have also seen little or no community dividend in communities across the country. There has been no financial help given to communities in terms of providing health, education and transport to those communities under pressure. I put a parliamentary question to the Minister for Justice on this very recently regarding the community recognition fund, which was announced last year, and she told me that only €2.9 million of the €50 million assigned to this purpose, has ever been spent. The Government's application process is itself a dysfunctional process. There are approximately 14,000 people within the process and thousands of those are waiting two and three years for the first decision to be made. The longest wait by a person for a decision is waiting 14 years for the first decision and that is even before we talk about appeals. An applicant who is not an asylum seeker can remain in Ireland for up to ten years based on a process that is taking so long. This 14-year application process is putting resources under severe pressure and it means the State is providing accommodation to possibly thousands of people within the system who are not asylum applicants.

Another issue here relates to those people who come to the country without valid travel documents. There are absolutely situations where people leave countries that are war-torn, or where there have been major earthquakes who will not have travel documents, but there are also people coming from other European cities such as Paris and Berlin, without travel documents. It would have been necessary for them to have travel documents to get on those flights but the Government is not tightening up on this particular issue either.

Another important issue on which the Government is not focusing is that 76% of people who are applying for asylum in this State at the moment are not doing it at the airports or at the ports; they are applying at the International Protection Office. This means they have come on other types of visas and at the end of that visa are then applying for asylum, or that they are coming through the North of Ireland. I submitted a parliamentary question to ask the Minister for Justice how many people are coming through the North of Ireland in this process and she said she does not know. Again, this is representative of a lack of management that the Government is involved in. It should be in communication with our counterparts in London to ensure we have checks in Larne and in Belfast Airport to make sure we know how many people are coming to Ireland through this particular route. Another frustration people experience relates to deportations. Some 75% of people who receive a deportation order from this Government never have their deportation order ever enforced, which is an incredible situation. We have a voluntary deportation system in Ireland. Therefore, after a very expensive asylum application process system, the people who are successful and those who are not, actually have the same outcome which is a very serious issue.

The other issue is the Government's lack of provision for accommodation. A reply to another parliamentary question I put to the Minister found that the vast majority - 80% - of locations where asylum seekers are located, are either hotels or guest houses. This means there are downstream tourism pressures on incomes for families working in those types of towns. The dependency on those accommodation centres is because the Government is useless in the delivery of other locations for asylum seekers. The Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, promised over a year ago now that 700 rapid-build homes would be provided for Ukrainian refugees. Just 204 of those have been built at the moment. Some 85% of the pledged rooms in private homes for Ukrainians were never realised at all, and where Ukrainian and other asylum seekers have settled well, it has been a policy of the Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth, to often uproot them and move them to other locations. Therefore, any efforts to integrate into host communities have been damaged significantly.

The Government is implementing a yellow pack migration system into this country. What I mean by that is that it simply looks for locations for accommodation and then leaves the host communities and the migrants themselves without the necessary supports or the integration efforts they need. This is a significant part of the problem that is happening in this country. This State has international responsibilities but we also have domestic responsibilities. We need to do what we can to help those who are in need but we also need to make sure it is sustainable. If we are going to bring in a population that is bigger than Galway city on an annual basis, without the resources such as the universities, the hospitals, the dozens of schools and the tens of thousands of homes, we will create great stresses within Irish society. We need a policy of compassion but we also need a policy of common sense and that is sorely missing at the moment.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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I thank the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach for the opportunity to speak on this matter. Ireland is signed up under different protocols to take in a certain number of refugees every year and we are doing that. In fairness to the Irish people, when the war in Ukraine broke out, they opened their doors everywhere as has been pointed out by Deputy Tóibín. The Irish Red Cross made a hames of it, to be quite frank, because the rooms offered were not used. However, we need to talk about certain things and be open and frank about it. There are 13,000 people homeless in this country at the moment. Why did we not, four or five years ago, decide to build modular homes for these people and try to help them in some way? I know the instances have decreased at the moment of this but If I go to any part of the world today, I am not allowed to enter without a passport; there are not ifs or buts about that. We need to make sure we put an onus back where it should be. We need a solution to that. It is not the person's fault who is coming. I am not blaming them, because many of these people are very vulnerable. However, what do we do? What is the solution? We have enough technology at the moment that if you go into an airport and have to show your passport, there should be a photocopier that would take a copy of every part of it. Let the planes hold a copy of every passport so that if there is any query, we would have it. However, we do not seem to want to do it. The Irish people open their doors. They have seen a lot of this down through the years themselves but there is a reality here as well. Whether people like this or not, we cannot have somebody on €230 per week getting food and a bed; having someone from Syria getting €30, a bed, and food; some people, who are not getting the €230, working somewhere but still getting food; and an Irish person not being able to get accommodation. You have to put everyone on a level playing field to make sure we treat them right. Then the problem arises about the consultation and we see it in every part of the country. We never learn in this country. We tell no one and it is like a bolt out of the blue. We might get an email and that will be the first we will hear of 200, 100, 50, or 20 people coming to a place and no one knows about it-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Your time is up, Deputy. You are taking your colleague's time.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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-----and that is not going to work because underneath the surface the people in middle Ireland are getting fed up with it.

Joan Collins (Dublin South Central, Independents 4 Change)
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This motion is nothing but fake concern. It has no solutions. We have seen a chaotic response to increased numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. We have a failing health system, a failing housing market, and failing services. If the Government thinks it is dealing with the homelessness for people in Ireland, Ukrainians, and IPAS arrivals, I would hate to see what failure looks like. However, these attempts to point the finger of blame at powerless people rather than at those in power, lets the successive Governments that introduced neoliberal policies of privatisation and austerity, off the hook. This motion does not call for increased services. It does not call for a single euro of extra funding for local communities, for a single house to be built, or a single extra nurse, doctor, or teacher. There is no call for a plan to support communities; nothing for community centres, schools, libraries, or local healthcare centres; and no extra resources for any community or area facing an increased demand on services due to the arrival of asylum seekers or refugees, or new developments in communities. I get the anxiety in the country. I deal with people every day who are dealing with homelessness, overcrowding, low wages, decades on the housing lists, or years on a waiting list for medical care. This motion has no solutions for those people. It points the finger at refugees instead of at the failures of our political system to build a decent standard of living and decent public services in this country.

The solution is more services, more hospital beds and more public housing. It is scrapping our low tax rates on the rich and putting funding back into our public services. It is a State construction company to build houses, schools, hospitals and local resources. I support the recent call from a Jesuit organisation for a NPHET-type organisation to co-ordinate accommodation. I would broaden that to the homeless and anyone else needing accommodation in Ireland. Would the Rural Independent Group support that call?

Sleeping on the streets is shameful for anybody, Irish or refugee. The Government will not provide the houses, the hospitals and the decent standard of living everyone in this country needs. This motion will not provide that. The far right will not provide it. Only a mass movement of working people will provide it.

Thomas Pringle (Donegal, Independent)
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It is clear to me that this motion has malicious intentions. I see no other purpose in it than to stir up hate and division in this country, a shameful and reprehensible pursuit that the Rural Independent Group has been engaging in for a while. It has gone on far too long and needs to be called out.

I highlight the fact that there is a racist element of this motion. The first two lines after "notes that" highlight the fact that the motion relates to "non-Ukrainian International Protection Accommodation Services". The motion goes to great lengths to highlight that the group does not have issues with Ukrainian migrants, their accommodation or the money being spent on them, which undermines the Deputies' argument that the motion is about the lack of accommodation and the stretching of our resources and not about race.

I find it interesting that one of the "concerns" highlighted in the motion is the findings of the Ombudsman for Children's special report on the safety and welfare of children in direct provision, given that not a single one of the six Rural Independent Group TDs showed up to the debate on the motion I brought forward on that report last Thursday evening, for which the ombudsman was present. It is evident that the group does not actually care about the welfare of children in direct provision and is shamefully using this in the motion as cover for the Deputies' anti-immigration arguments.

The motion highlights the fact that Georgia was the leading country of origin for applicants in 2022 and that "other European Union (EU) countries tighten immigration laws, while Ireland's more attractive laws result in 'asylum tourism'" without acknowledging the fact that visa-free travel to 26 countries of the Schengen area came into effect for Georgian nationals in 2017, with many countries offering work visas, the very same countries that have tighter immigration laws. It is disingenuous, then, to suggest that our immigration laws are lenient while Europe's are strict when it is clearly the other way around.

During a briefing with Traveller organisations yesterday afternoon, I was struck by the palpable fear felt right now by minority groups - the Traveller community, the LGBTQI+ community, the disabled community and the migrant community - due to the rise of far-right sentiment, enabled by the hatred and misinformation spewed by Members here and in the Seanad. Those Deputies are not nobly addressing people's fears by tabling this motion; they are facilitating those who are causing hurt and fear in our communities, demonstrated clearly by the very last line of the motion.

I will not support the motion, and I hope the Deputies who have put it forward hang their heads in shame at the division they are causing in this country by doing so.

Violet-Anne Wynne (Clare, Independent)
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While I welcome an open and honest conversation in this House about immigration, I am deeply concerned about the need for balance on the matter and our use of language in this House. We need to keep in context the Irish spirit of céad míle fáilte, the history of this island nation, whereby we sent people to far reaches of the four corners of the world. There they set down roots, made families and became captains of industries and titans of politics. The wild geese went out with their hopes and dreams and clothes on their backs and created a global diaspora. That is important.

Notwithstanding that salient fact, the approach of this Government of offloading large numbers of vulnerable individuals into small rural and peripheral communities, which already had a deficit of services without putting in place additional resources to meet the complex needs of the new arrivals, has not been the right one. The Government has failed to communicate with communities on the ground. It has created a vacuum in which misinformation was able to thrive and expand and it has forced Opposition TDs like me, and even backbenchers, to do its bidding in telling communities at very short notice that they are about to have an explosion in population. These communities were already finding it hard to get a doctor's or a dentist's appointment, the basic primary care services. They are at the bottom of all the waiting lists and have been abandoned by this Government. To hell or to Connacht, Munster or anywhere outside of Dublin.

I do not blame the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, for this fiasco. I blame the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister, Deputy Ryan, for failing to adequately resource the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, and the Minister of State, Deputy O'Brien, to meaningfully engage with these communities. I reiterate my call publicly in the House for the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, to meet with Shannon Chamber and discuss developments at Unit 153 in Shannon Business Park.

The public anger is palpable and has been for some time now. It is also in this House. The question has to be how the Government receives and treats vulnerable people.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Under the time constraints, I ask our final speakers, the Minister and the Minister of State and Members from the Rural Independent Group, to consider that we would like to finish on time.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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I will do my best. There is no attempt to silence debate on the issue of migration in this country. I have engaged in countless debates and discussions in this House and the other House. I have engaged in countless discussions around the country with individual groups, speaking to them not only about proposals in their areas but also about how they fit into the State's wider migration policy. As for this attempt to cloak themselves in victimhood and to claim they are being silenced, the Deputies should go and talk to an Afghan man or a Syrian man in international protection accommodation. Ask him what government suppression of discussion looks like. No one is trying to silence the Deputies. I would not mind silencing Danny's phone every now and again but, beyond that, there is no attempt to silence anybody. I am always willing to engage in discussion and in a comprehensive debate about the issues of migration in this country, but what the Deputies have presented us today adds nothing to that discussion.

The Deputies place most of their focus on the issue of international protection and the system. It is important we remember the origins of that system. It was put in place to deal with the shameful legacy of Jewish refugees being turned away from country after country during the Holocaust. Ireland closed its doors at that time too, along with other countries. What international protection now means is fairly and humanely examining a claim for asylum, sheltering and supporting people while that claim is being assessed and giving people the right to stay here where it is adjudicated that that right needs to be provided. We should not be ashamed of that. We should not shy away from it. It is fundamentally a compassionate act, whatever the challenges we face. I believe it is a system worth fighting for and I will continue to defend it.

I will also be very honest, however, about the challenges, particularly in the area of accommodation, including the reliance on private providers, the variable accommodation standards and the fact that we have little control over locations. Those are compounding challenges that exist in respect of migration. My officials have worked incredibly hard in very challenging circumstances to keep people as safe as best we can. However, we are working in the confines of a system that was created for a different era. We need a system where the State holds the reins of control in terms of its accommodation, and the location of and standards in that accommodation. Without that control, we cannot put in place the supports that are needed for those who arrive, we will not have the space and time to engage in communities where accommodation is being located and we will be consistently relying on elements outside of our control.

We have seen that this is a system that can fail. It is failing right now. The change we need to make to this system is therefore vital. It is a change that will not happen overnight. The change will be the job of successive governments to implement. To ignore that challenge, however, to refuse to reform or just to blame people who come here seeking international protection will only worsen the problem. Prior to the Christmas break, I will seek Government approval for a revised White Paper setting out how we can enhance the level of State-owned accommodation. When we have State-owned accommodation, the State will have control.

The Deputies put a lot of focus on male international protection applicants in their motion. I will make just two points on that point. First, I ask the following question. It is one I have asked in other debates we have had on migration in this House. Is there any of us who can put our hand on our heart and say there is not a male member of our family who has not gone abroad seeking work? There are "unvetted" male migrants in every one of our families, and we are lucky as a country that other countries let them come in and contribute to the system. Not one of us can say that did not happen in our own families.

The second point I will make is that men are killed in war. I am old enough to remember the pictures from the Bosnian war, from Srebrenica, as the UN pulled out and the Serb paramilitaries arrived.

It was all smiles at the start and then the men were separated from the women. They are still finding those men's bodies in pits around Srebrenica today. They identify them with their dental records and the scraps of clothes still stuck to their skeletons. Men are targeted in war, men are victims of war and, yes, sometimes men flee war. Maybe some Deputies think they would not flee. Maybe some Deputies think they would be braver. It is very easy to say that in the comfort of our seats in Leinster House.

I will continue to engage in discussion about the issue of migration. I will continue to engage with all Deputies when there are proposals for accommodation in their particular area but I do not believe that what has been presented today in any way sheds light on this issue, progresses this issue or gives any guidance on how our State deals with something that is a real challenge. It is a challenge that is faced all over the world and it is one that will be managed by this State in such a way that we continue to see the benefits of migration that we have seen to such an extent in recent years.

Joe O'Brien (Dublin Fingal, Green Party)
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I will take a moment to speak about racism. It is racism as opposed to racists that it is important to address. Racism is an everyday fact of life for people of colour in Ireland. It is this way because racism goes unidentified and unchallenged by many of us who would never classify ourselves as racist. As the Minister of State with responsibility for community development and the national action plan against racism, I plead with people to stop sharing and believing material in their social networks that indicates people of different ethnic backgrounds or people who are not Irish should be treated with fear and suspicion. It is the sharing or quiet support of such messages that is doing the damage to communities. It is this fear-mongering messaging that we should be suspicious of, not people coming to this country to seek protection and to build a better life. Community leaders, elected and otherwise, have a particular responsibility to question and challenge these messages among members of their community and their constituents, and at the kitchen table about which we have heard so much this morning.

I want to address something mentioned by a Deputy and, in fairness, it was done in innocence. Someone who has completed the asylum process and has perhaps been refused asylum has no entitlement to public services of any kind. I want to be clear on that. This point was made earlier and there was a lack of clarity on it.

We have set up a community engagement team. It has been working since September. It has assisted with the opening of 30 accommodation centres throughout the country. It has gone well in the majority of places. We have had difficulties elsewhere. The team has engaged with more than 50 TDs. Earlier this morning, many of those who have received direct calls from the community engagement team indicated they received no communication either from the team, me or the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman. The team focuses on the provision of information and the explanation of proposals. In many cases, there is not a vacuum of information but speculation about something that is not going to happen. The team, the Minister and I spend quite a bit of time reassuring and explaining to the Deputies here that there is not an accommodation centre opening up. That needs to be named also.

I go back to my message on racism. We in this House and people in communities throughout Ireland have a responsibility to question the messages going out on social media that are doing damage to communities.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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We in the Rural Independent Group are legitimately elected to the Parliament, thankfully, and it is our solemn privilege to table motions. I thank the Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy O'Brien, for the engagement we have had with them but it is always after the fact, when we get an email at 6.30 p.m. on a Thursday evening on something else. They do not have enough of a team. I want to correct the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman. He said there had been a number of debates in the House. I do not remember any debate in the House. There has been no debate in the House.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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We have discussed migration.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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There was no debate in House. That is a fact and I am putting facts on the record.

As for other parties, they come in here to insult and denigrate. In here and outside the people can judge for themselves the type of people our elected colleagues are. I especially mention the Labour Party. It was founded in my town of Cluain Meala and has had great people, such as Seán Treacy, Michael Ferris and Dan Spring. It has had many good people, including Deputy Brendan Howlin who is the longest serving Member of the House. For people who are here now to go out on national radio and incite violence against us, accusing us of causing the riots in Dublin in some twisted, warped, pernicious way, is shameful and despicable. I will not say too much about it.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin Bay North, Labour)
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Ask your lawyer.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Then there is Deputy Cairns, the latter-day saviour of the planet. She does not know the difference between a greyhound and a lurcher. She did not read our motion and nor did most of the people who spoke on it. I do not know whether the Minister did either.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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I did.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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We had no quorum here for the first hour of the debate this morning. That tells us everything about the debate. There was not one backbencher or other Minister to support the Minister and Minister of State. I lay the blame on the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister, Deputy Ryan. He has copped off some place else. We know where he is. There is not one backbencher. What is wrong? There is silence and suppression, including by the media, especially RTÉ, the people paid by the Government who will get €56 million after all the shenanigans and show trials of the pasta six months. That organisation with State-led broadcasting, my God, would not be as good under Stalin. Then we have the so-called freedom of the world. They can cause marches and riots themselves. Take Deputy Paul Murphy and the remark he made here about me last week. The Ceann Comhairle tried to stop him. He accused me. We are elected by the people of Tipperary, Kerry, Offaly, west Cork and Limerick. Deputy O'Donoghue is unable to be here due to medical reasons. We have a right to speak in the Chamber. I thank the Ceann Comhairle and the officials for allowing us to speak and raise issues.

The Minister said there was a debate but there has not been a debate. I have been seeking a debate in the House on this issue for months, as the Ceann Comhairle can confirm. I have raised it at the Business Committee and through the proper channels. We were forced to use our own time because the Government refused to debate it. I was told as late as last Friday by the Government Chief Whip, Deputy Naughton, that it would require a multi-ministerial team to reply. That is why we could not have a debate. It was because we would need the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and all of the others. Where are they? They are hiding. They have dumped this on the Minister and Minister of State.

First they dumped it on the Red Cross, a wonderful organisation with a proud history. The late Carrie Acheson, who died lately, was chairperson of it for a long time. It does great work. It was not fit to handle this. That was when the Ukraine war broke out. Then it was dumped on the Department. There have been rows at Cabinet, as we all know. The Minister, Deputy O'Brien, is laughing and the Department of the Minister and Minister of State can deal with it. I will defend the Minister and the Minister of State on this. It has been proved today. Not one backbencher from Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or the Green Party came in to assist them today.

There was nobody here from Deputy Boyd Barrett's party for the first hour. There was nobody here from the Social Democrats for the first hour. They were not reading our motion, whatever they were planning. They were planning to come in to see what vitriol or depth they could stoop to in order to insult democratically elected people here.

I wear the proud badge of Liam Lynch, a freedom fighter who was shot in the Knockmealdown Mountains fighting for the freedom we have in this country. I am a republican and I am proud of it. We are welcoming people in Ireland and we have been. Our missionaries, priests, sisters and laity have gone all over the world after many of the wars the Minister mentioned. We got a lecture from him about Bosnia. Obnoxious things happened there. I know all about it. I went there and I listened and saw it. I met the people. I saw what happened whereby stickers were put on doors at night for people to be taken away by neighbours and friends. I know what happened.

We hear what is going on in Israel and Gaza and it is obnoxious but we want to be one-sided here and prance around the streets and cause numerous protests. I have never organised a protest in my life. The so called hard left wants to describe us as far right. As said before, I delivered the Far Eastwhen I was a buachaill óg for my late mother. It was a missionary magazine to help our missionaries who were abroad trying to help in Africa and elsewhere.

These people would march every week if they could. Look at the cost to the State they are causing. Look what happened to a proud Labour Party woman, in fairness to her, the then Minister Joan Burton, out in Tallaght. I visited that place at the funeral of the partner of the former Minister, Katherine Zappone. I was horrified a few weeks afterwards to see the mob that was organised, arranged, brought and contrived. Petrol was poured on the fire by now Deputy Murphy. It was a shocking situation.

Nobody in our group incited violence against anybody or has taken anybody's character in vain in this House. As I said, the public will judge us in the elections. They will judge the hard left as well, and this neoliberalism, and the feigned compassion. It is shocking what is happening to the children who are dying, being slaughtered, out in Gaza. The very same people I referred to have no problem ushering in a savage abortion regime. The same people want to kill people in the womb, babies, children, up to their very date of birth. They have no problem with this. That is a twisted, obnoxious logic that my brain does not have the capability to understand. Most people do not either. They have all the rights for some people and no rights for others. It is the same with the fake, phoney electric cars. They will not look at the savage child slavery and the hundreds of thousands of children under the age of ten being killed every year. They close their eyes to that and say we want to be electric and we are going to be leaders in the world on this. The horror of the slave labour and the crime that goes on there.

I and our group are proud to put down this motion. I will not even refer to the amendment proposed by the Labour Party because its members did not read ours. They decided to send in their John Wayne-style representative, who loves the media, to try to reincarnate himself to attack us. The media will deal with him in his constituency.

I got many emails last week from people in Tallaght saying they never see Deputy Paul Murphy out doing anything for them there, only to cause that riot that day out there. The people are the final arbitrators. The Ceann Comhairle and the staff here are the final arbitrators of what language can be used and of respect in a calm and reasonable debate. Most people did engage in a calm and reasonable debate here today, those that came in, except for the hardliners, who have to be harder and harder. They are fighting for power. The Labour Party is fighting with the Social Democrats. Of course, the members of People Before Profit are fighting with themselves. They want to have nobody working and everything to collapse. They want a collapsed economy. They hate anything to do with work.

Many of us in the Rural Independent Group are employers. We employ people and still it is said we are anti-worker. My God, if these people looked in the mirror and saw the reality. We are out there, of the people, many of us businesspeople and teachers and everything, and we understand people as well as everyone else. The hard left has no monopoly on understanding and compassion in this House. It is shocking that this debate has been suppressed. The Government's consistent response has been to gaslight the issue, manipulate information, distort facts and deny reality to sow doubt and confusion. This tactic undermines public trust, obscures accountability and impedes constructive dialogue and democracy. It is anti-democratic, full stop. That is what is in our motion.

Most of the Deputies did not read the motion, as I said. It is a very well-intended motion. Look at the facts. The figures we quote are not mine or those of Deputies Danny Healy-Rae, Michael Healy-Rae, Michael Collins or Carol Nolan. These are IPAS figures supplied by the Department of Justice. It tells it all, as I said, when none of the backbenchers in the Government parties have commented, because they know what is going on the ground too. I am not saying I have a monopoly either. They are living on the ground. They know this is not tenable. They know there is absolutely no consultation until after the fact. Unfortunately, greed has come in. When people welcomed those from the war in Ukraine, they opened their houses but many of the offers of houses were never taken up. Now, it is over to some of the remnants of the Celtic tiger that are still hanging around, the developers. They see buildings, an opportunity and a cash cow. They do not care what kind of conditions they put people into.

It is not for the Minister, Deputy O'Gorman, or the Minister of State, Deputy O'Brien, to deal with this issue. It is on the heads of the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, and the Government collectively to do so and to ensure, in the spirit of céad míle fáilte, that people who come here are welcomed, looked after, respected and integrated. So many thousands of people have come to work here in all sectors, including healthcare, and for me. We all understand that but the gaslighting, name-calling and suppression of debate and democracy are anti-democratic. It is not what Liam Lynch, Pádraig Pearse and those people fought for. When we see people like Deputy Paul Murphy running out with a communist flag around his neck, we know who they stand for. The Labour Party was founded in Clonmel 104 years ago. Its members could not even come to the town to celebrate the 100th anniversary. Is mór an trua é sin.

Shame on the Government, shame on you all, backbenchers included who did not enter this Chamber to deal with this problem and listen to the people. It is very important. We are the representatives of the people. We should listen to our electors, the people who do not vote at all and everybody else, migrants included, and try to get this sorted and have a proper-----

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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I thank the Deputy.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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-----compassionate, reasonable, respectful dialogue and action to deal with these people, not gaslighting. Go raibh maith agat.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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I thank the Deputy very much. That concludes the debate on the motion on immigration. An amendment to the motion has been proposed by the Minister and an amendment to that amendment has been proposed by the Labour Party. The question is that the amendment to the amendment be made. Is that agreed?

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Not agreed.

Mattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Vótáil.

Seán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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In accordance with Standing Order 80(2), the vote, insofar as it has been called, is deferred until the voting block later today.