Pa Daly (Kerry, Sinn Fein)

I thank the Chair for the opportunity to speak on the Environment (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025, which deals with the EPA licensing system. Like many other systems, it is facing many problems, not least the long delays for many applicants. This poses a threat to the protection of the environment and erects barriers to the delivery of critical infrastructure. Sinn Féin is committed to Ireland's green energy revolution. With the correct political will and ambition, Ireland can transform from a net energy importer to a net energy exporter but we must seize the incredible opportunity rather than waste it, which has been done for many years. This is not just about the climate; it is about the extortionate cost of energy in this country. We face a climate crisis and a cost-of-living crisis and the solutions to both are inextricably linked. If this Government is serious about solving these crises, it must show urgency and determination in the delivery of renewable energy driven by the common good. As a Minister recently said, the Government has been sitting on its hands and navel-gazing for far too long. Tackling the delays in EPA licensing in one area is an area where this Government must take action but as with all legislation, the devil is in the detail and the reforms must be held up to scrutiny.

Just last week, Sinn Féin introduced a motion to the Dáil which highlighted the links between Ireland's creaking energy infrastructure, the slow pace of our transition to renewables and the extortionate energy bills for workers and families. We have the most expensive electricity in the EU. We used to have the cheapest but our publicly owned infrastructure was sold off to the highest bidder. The systematic sell-off of our assets was presented as an EU requirement and as a means to deliver more affordable energy, neither of which were true. Households paid nearly €1,800 a year, 30% more than the EU average, and that is €500 less in people's pockets when they are already crippled by skyrocketing costs such as rent and groceries.

One of the reasons for this is Ireland's overdependence on imported energy. A total of 80% of our final energy demand is imported and this leaves us dangerously exposed to the international energy market and geopolitical instability. In 2023, only 15% of our total energy consumption came from renewables, compared to an EU average of 25%. Ireland ranked bottom of the EU table for renewable energy in 2022, with 13% of energy consumption from renewables. Sweden, by contrast, hit 66%. State-owned energy companies from Norway and France own more of our offshore energy resources than we do. Ireland has to pick up the pace. This is not just a failure of policy; it is a failure of ambition. We need decisive action to remove the bottlenecks stalling our green energy revolution, including the EPA licensing processes which have been marred by delays, bureaucracy and a lack of resourcing. The consequences of this are generating a riskier environment for investment, hampering sustainability and threatening energy security. The reforms, however, have to be right. The defence of our environment and nature must be prioritised and the public must continue to have their voice heard. Rigorous regulation must be upheld; we will not solve this by creating loopholes or skipping essential steps.

To get into the detail of the Bill, the introduction of the mandatory timelines is welcome and should increase certainty, reduce risk and make a more attractive investment environment. A number of unanswered questions remain, and must be addressed. First, regarding the exemptions for environmental impact assessments, more clarity is needed on just what exactly constitutes an exceptional circumstance. These exemptions must not weaken environmental safeguards. It is also essential that public engagement and transparency is not taken for granted. The principle of democratic oversight must be upheld. While the Bill requires public notification for EIA exemptions, critics say this may not ensure meaningful public participation. Too often, communities are stonewalled and ignored and we need to ensure accountability for missed deadlines. What happens, for example, if they are missed? As regards changes related to emergency licensing and partial licensing, the criteria for qualification must be of a high standard.

Ireland's biodiversity is the beating heart of our economy and society and must be protected while ensuring that critical infrastructure is delivered. There is no point in reforming the rules unless they are going to be upheld. There is an enforcement issue. Many licensed facilities already fail to meet their licensing conditions. A total of 884 non-compliances were recorded for 272 sites in the first half of this year. The problems are bad in certain areas, including food and drink, non-hazardous waste and intensive agriculture. Our wastewater infrastructure should frankly be a source of deep shame for this Government. Apart from the fact infrastructure is in a poor state, half of all licensed treatment plants consistently fail to meet the standards. If this Bill is going to weaken environmental standards, the problems could get worse.

The reform is necessary but it must be done correctly and we must put in place safeguards to protect transparency, public participation and the environment.

See this speech in context