Simon Harris (Wicklow, Fine Gael)

I welcome this opportunity to set out the Government position on the situation in the Middle East. The region is experiencing a period of significant jeopardy and instability with multiple crises playing out, many of which are interrelated and all of which threaten further escalation, further destruction and further devastating loss of civilian lives.

I will turn first to the appalling and deteriorating situation in Gaza, where we continue to witness the unending horrors of a brutal onslaught - a clear genocide. More than 56,000 people are reported killed and over 132,000 injured. Behind these stark numbers are scenes of almost unimaginable suffering, both physical and psychological. In the first instance, let me recall Ireland’s position, which has been considered, consistent and compassionate. We have stayed true to our values of upholding human rights and international law even when it has sometimes been a lonely place to take leadership positions, which have subsequently belatedly gathered consensus.

We have strongly condemned and continue to strongly condemn the continuing Israeli activity in Gaza and we have called it out for the genocidal activity that it is. We strongly urge the Israeli authorities to call a halt to these military operations. We need an urgent end to hostilities. I unequivocally condemn the terror attacks by Hamas in Israel on 7 October 2023. I unequivocally condemn the unconscionable taking of hostages by Hamas and have repeatedly called for their release. I repeat that call here today. Hamas has brought nothing but death and destruction to Palestinians and Israelis. I urge all involved to support and engage in the efforts that are under way to reach agreement on a new ceasefire and hostage release agreement. Today, I met with the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Qatar, which is one of the key interlocutors in terms of trying to bring about a ceasefire. I now believe based on that conversation that there is a real window of opportunity to get a ceasefire, to get humanitarian aid flowing and to get the hostages released and people need to seize this opportunity. Let us take this window of opportunity and let us see an end to the unimaginable suffering. I also reiterate that the Israeli response in Gaza is a despicable and clear breach of international law.

The current volume and pace of aid deliveries into Gaza under Israel’s so-called partial easing of its blockade remains critically insufficient and is an affront to any accepted understanding of the operation of humanitarian aid. It is a drop in the ocean compared to the vast and urgent needs of Gaza’s entire population for food, water, medicines, shelter and fuel - the very basic items necessary for daily life and items denied to the civilian population by Israeli restrictions. The assessment by the IPC global hunger monitor in May found that the entire population of Gaza was facing high levels of food insecurity with half a million people facing starvation. We are now in July. Two months have passed without adequate action. The humanitarian situation remains catastrophic. The Qatari Prime Minister and I were remarking today that no matter how unimaginably horrific the situation appears to be through what we see in the media, it can only be much worse on the ground, if that is possible to comprehend. We continue to see mass casualty incidents at distribution centres run by private contractors under the new Israeli-approved model of aid delivery. This model has rightly been described by the head of UNRWA as “a death trap”. Food distribution has been chaotic and has resulted in multiple violent incidents and people have been killed while queuing for food. Over 400 people have been killed and over 3,000 have been injured.

I join the UN Secretary General’s condemnation of this situation and call for accountability. Perpetrators must be held accountable. These are people who shoot others dead while they queue for food for themselves and their starving children. We must be clear. Life-saving aid must never be weaponised. Humanitarian principles must be followed. Hospitals must never be militarised or targeted. On 5 June, the World Health Organization warned that the denial of aid and restricted access had systematically dismantled the health system in Gaza. This, also, is unacceptable.

At every possible opportunity, Ireland has called on Israel to allow unimpeded access of humanitarian aid at scale into and throughout Gaza. The announcement last week by Prime Minister Netanyahu that he had ordered that all humanitarian aid once again be halted from entering the Gaza Strip was more than deeply concerning. It was disgusting, despicable and illegal. It was yet another example of the weaponisation of aid.

I again implore Israel to facilitate the UN and humanitarian partners to deliver aid in accordance with international law and humanitarian principles. Time and again, UNRWA and other UN agencies have demonstrated their capabilities as humanitarian responders. This is the most sickening thing - we know how to get the aid into Gaza. It could happen today if UN agencies were allowed to do their job. We recall most recently, during the January to March ceasefire, how they were quickly able to feed and provide aid for more than 2 million people. Ireland has provided over €88 million in support for the people of Palestine since January 2023, of which more than €75 million has been provided since October 2023. This includes €58 million for UNRWA. At the EU level, I continue to advocate for our partners to increase their support to UNRWA, and I welcome the EU’s payment of €52 million to UNRWA last month.

In June, we saw some progress on issues where Ireland had been at the forefront. I welcome that the review of Israel’s compliance with its obligations under Article 2 of the EU-Israel association agreement has been finalised. Ireland and Spain first called for this step in February 2024. I have always been clear that any such review can only reach one conclusion, namely, that Israel is in breach of its obligations under that agreement. This is a significant finding. Now that it is there, it cannot be reversed. That finding exists. It is a finding of fact. The High Representative has said she will communicate this clearly to Israel. I have also been clear with my EU counterparts that we now need to see options for follow-up actions. A country cannot breach an association agreement with the EU and it be consequence free. The EU’s credibility depends on what it does next.

While the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza is rightly at the forefront of our minds, it is important not to forget or gloss over the extremely worrying developments in the West Bank. Since January, Israel’s military operations have displaced at least 40,000 people and caused widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure and homes. Refugee camps in Tulkarm, Nur Shams and Jenin have been rendered uninhabitable. The scale, speed and severity of displacement is unprecedented. This is in addition to a rising trend of settlement expansion and settler violence prior to 7 October, conducted within an environment of impunity.

The West Bank Protection Consortium, a coalition of humanitarian organisations and international donors, now estimates that 58,000 Palestinians across 195 communities it monitors are at direct risk of forcible displacement. We are all alarmed by the recent announcement of the approval of a further 22 new settlements in the West Bank, an action openly described by the Israeli defence minister as “a strategic move that prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state”. The implications of this are clear for all to see. The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process has warned that if this trajectory is not reversed, it will make the two-state solution physically impossible. In her words, the two-state solution is on life support. We call on Israel to immediately halt these activities, and we continue to press the EU to urgently take forward further sanctions on violent settlers.

A shared priority with both our European and regional partners at this time is the UN High-Level International Conference for the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution. Regrettably, the conference has been postponed as a result of developments in the region. It is important that the rescheduled conference go ahead when conditions allow. I have discussed this with my Saudi and French counterparts, who are co-chairing this initiative.

Ireland will continue to use every lever at our disposal - political, diplomatic and legal - in our response to this situation. We are delivering on the commitment in the programme for Government to progress legislation prohibiting import of goods from the settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories following the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 19 July 2024. As members of the House are aware, the Government approved the general scheme of that Bill last week. I have referred the general scheme to the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade for pre-legislative scrutiny, which has commenced this week. I note the presence of the Chair of that committee, Deputy Lahart. I look forward to hearing the deliberations of the committee when it has completed its work. I know it is endeavouring to do so in a time-efficient manner and I am eager to work with the committee.

I have been honest about this from the start, but we must continue to press for EU action in parallel with this. It is disappointing, although that is too weak a word, to note that, over a week since we published our Bill, we are yet to see any other member state do likewise. I reiterate my call across parties for all of us to use our political contacts in other member states to see if other countries would consider doing what Ireland is doing. Ireland believes it is possible for member states to move forward on this as a result of the ICJ advisory opinion. If we want to maximise the leverage to bring about the conditions for a ceasefire, it would be extremely helpful if other member states also produced legislation.

Last week, I joined nine other EU foreign ministers in asking the High Representative to call for the EU to undertake a detailed review of its own compliance with the advisory opinion of the ICJ. I am pleased that this review will now be taken forward and that the High Representative will seek legal advice. The European Union must make sure it is in compliance with the International Court of Justice. I will follow this closely and will call for concrete proposals for action for member states to discuss.

Much attention and activity in recent weeks has been expended on the conflict between Iran and Israel. This was a highly dangerous situation, in which two major powers in the region directly attacked each other, in which nuclear facilities were directly attacked, as well as cities and infrastructure, and in which there was a great risk of other states in the region being drawn in. Our most urgent focus in Ireland and the wider EU was in seeking de-escalation and a step back from the brink, urging a return to dialogue and diplomacy to solve these issues, and also in trying to assist our own personnel and citizens caught up in the situation. I want to thank our diplomats in the region and other EU states that helped us in assisting our citizens at that time.

I discussed the situation with my EU colleagues at an emergency virtual Foreign Affairs Council on 17 June and attended in person a meeting of the regular Foreign Affairs Council on 23 June. I had bilateral calls with my counterparts in Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. I also spoke with the deputy foreign minister of Iran, where I made the same points.

Our missions in Tel Aviv, Ramallah and Tehran were in close contact with Irish citizens to offer consular support and assistance in difficult circumstances where airspace was closed. My Department assisted 24 Irish citizens and dependants to leave Israel and Iran by overland routes. Our teams in the region stayed in close contact with those who remained in place and continue to provide support and assistance. In view of the security situation, I took the decision to temporarily relocate diplomatic personnel from our embassy in Tehran. The embassy to Iran is now based temporarily in the Department of foreign affairs here in Dublin.

I very much welcomed the ceasefire agreed last week. It is fragile but seems to be holding. We remain clear that only a negotiated diplomatic solution can properly resolve the many concerns around Iran’s nuclear programme. However, we must also recognise reality. Iran’s threats against Israel are unacceptable. So is its support for militant armed groups around the region, such as Hezbollah and the Houthis. Many states in Europe have experienced security issues with Iran’s activity on their territory and with Iran’s long sustaining of the brutal Assad regime and its supply of weapons to Russia for use in its illegal war in Ukraine.

A great many states were alarmed at Iran’s apparent efforts to, at the very least, put itself in a position where it could acquire nuclear weapons. Ireland shares these concerns about Iranian policies more generally and its nuclear programme in particular. Put simply, there are aspects of the Iranian nuclear programme that are inexplicable in terms of civilian nuclear power. However, we believe strongly in negotiation to resolve these issues. This had succeeded in the 2015 JCPOA agreement with Iran, which offered an agreed path to addressing Iran’s nuclear programme. Regrettably, that agreement was undermined before it was able to achieve its full objectives.

As we know, there were nuclear talks between Iran and the US, which were still ongoing when Israel decided to attack Iran. We were not privy to those talks or to the positions either side was advancing. Perhaps they could have succeeded, perhaps not, but the idea that there were talks going on that were then disrupted and ultimately ended by Israel’s attack on Iran was extraordinarily escalatory and unhelpful.

We must recall that the JCPOA was achieved by international sanctions after many years when progress was not achieved at all. It is my hope that the ceasefire now in place will continue to hold. The effect of military action may have been to set back Iran’s programme. I urge all involved to now return to diplomacy. There are some indications that the US and Iran may return to talks.

The EU can make a positive contribution through the work of the High Representative and France, Germany and the UK. It is important that we keep all channels open to Iran and encourage a return to diplomacy.

It is important for Iran to maintain co-operation with the IAEA, and I greatly regret its decision today to move further away from that. The IAEA has an extraordinarily important role to play.

I said earlier that only a diplomatic solution can properly resolve this issue, and this is even clearer after military action has taken place. I believe a diplomatic solution is not only necessary, but is entirely possible. The possibility for a peaceful solution rests largely with the choices Iran now makes. It must turn away from seeking its own security through the intimidation and destabilisation of their neighbours and the threat of a nuclear weapon. If it does so, I believe it will find a ready response regionally and internationally. Above all, we need to see a reassertion of international law and the peaceful resolution of disputes between states. Attacks on nuclear facilities are deeply concerning and extraordinarily dangerous and should always be avoided.

In the time available, I would like to mention two further issues, namely, Lebanon and Syria. Our connection and commitment to Lebanon remains strong. Lebanon faces many serious difficulties, but it has made much progress in the last year in electing a new president and government. The weakening of Hezbollah may make it possible for Lebanon to gain full control of its territory, including in the south. This is crucial for the long-term security of Lebanon, Israel and the region. I urge all involved to work towards this and to refrain from actions that undermine this, including continuing actions by Hezbollah and Israel. I hope also that it will become possible for Israel to withdraw its remaining presence from Lebanon and for displaced communities to return to their homes in security on both sides of the border. UNIFIL has been central to our commitment to Lebanon, and we strongly believe that the force plays a valuable role. I was able to see at first hand the important contribution of the men and women of the Defence Forces serving in UNIFIL when I visited Lebanon in March. In my meeting with my Lebanese counterparts, they impressed on me the important role of UNIFIL in supporting the Lebanese armed forces, but also in implementing the ceasefire agreement. Discussions are now ongoing at the UN about the renewal of the UNIFIL mandate. Ireland will use its voice to support an outcome that supports the government and people of Lebanon and ensures the safety of our peacekeepers.

Syria has tentatively emerged from a terrible civil war and brutal regime. Its new government faces many questions and challenges, but broadly speaking we can say it is trying to construct a new Syria, a Syria that must be more open and inclusive, in which the human rights of all Syrians, regardless of their faith or ethnicity, are upheld and the rights of Syrian women are protected. The new government is trying to do that in the context where many of the armed groups that emerged during the war are still in existence, including remnants of the former regime and violent fanatics. Ireland supported the EU's speedy removal of most economic sanctions on Syria and we wish to work positively with the new Syrian authorities to give them every chance to succeed because the people of Syria deserve that chance.

Finally, although recent events have commanded our attention, it is important that this is not the sum of Ireland's engagement with the Middle East. Much of it is more positive. Our Government adopted a strategy for Ireland's engagement across the Middle East and North Africa in October 2024, focusing our developments on bilateral links, economic relations and people-to-people contacts. We enjoy good relations with Middle Eastern partners and many Irish people have gone to live and work there, notably in the Gulf. We operate joint economic committees with Saudi Arabia and agreed this year to the establishment of that process for the United Arab Emirates. Large numbers of students from the region study in Ireland, many of them on scholarships from their governments. There are regular political visits in both directions.

Earlier today, I met the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Qatar, who yesterday collected on behalf of the Emir the Tipperary Peace Prize, recognising Qatar's long role as a mediator. It was a welcome engagement as Qatar is one of the lead negotiators behind the potential 60-day ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. While the situation remains extremely volatile, I very much hope we have now reached a point where the killing can stop and both sides can negotiate a meaningful and lasting ceasefire.

In my conversation with the Prime Minister of Qatar today, it was clear that there is some cautious optimism that a ceasefire may now be possible and we must seize this window of opportunity. We have to do so if there is a window of opportunity for the cessation of violence, an end to the genocidal activity, the release of hostages and a surge in unimpeded humanitarian aid. In the hours and days ahead, there will be a renewed effort to bring about that. I thank my Qatari counterpart for the engagement and update today and wish that process and talks well. I thank Qatar and others in the region who are playing an important role in that regard.

Today I met the president of the International Criminal Court, ICC. It is an international court that is under active attack. In this House, we must speak up and speak out for the work of the ICC. We are continuing to provide financial assistance, but the world needs international courts now more than ever. The sanctions the US has put in place against individual judges and the arrest warrants that Russia has put in place are deeply regrettable and seek to undermine the work of the ICC. I want to be very clear on the record of the House that the Government of Ireland and Ireland stands firmly in support of the ICC. I intend to raise this matter with European counterparts in terms of how we can do more to support an international court system that is clearly being threatened by efforts to undermine its work.

I thank the Members of the House for the continued focus we keep on issues in the Middle East. I look forward to working with Members to pass our occupied Palestinian territories Bill. I ask that we continue to work with all our contacts through our political groupings at a European level to seek to maximise the leverage that Europe can bring about in terms of playing a positive role in ending the violence, killings and genocide in Gaza and that we stand ready as a country to do all we can to help the people of Palestine create the state they desperately deserve and have every right to in order to enable Palestine and Israel to live safely and securely side-by-side.

See this speech in context