Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"notes that:

- Ireland's policy of military neutrality is characterised by non-membership of military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements, and this policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War;

- the Government reaffirms its commitment to this policy and reiterates that it has no plans to either join a military alliance, or enter into a mutual defence arrangement; and

- the Government does not believe a national plebiscite on the matter is either necessary or appropriate;

recognises:

- Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality, our strong tradition of participation in International peace support and crisis management operations over many decades;

- the importance of parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives of the people of Ireland; and

- the importance of stakeholder engagement as part of the legislative process in shaping Ireland's future defence policy; and acknowledges that:

- in common with other partners in Europe, Ireland finds itself in an increasingly contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment, marked by violence and conflict in our immediate neighbourhood, including in the Middle East and Africa;

- Ireland, therefore, should not find itself unable to respond to Peace Support and Crisis Management Operations that align with the United Nations (UN) Charter and International Law, due to a veto by permanent member(s) of the UN Security Council; and

- this legislation will remove the power of UN Security Council permanent members to veto our national sovereign decisions regarding our participation in an International Force and will also allow for the deployment of Defence Force personnel overseas, in other overseas roles, such as the crisis management evacuation of Irish citizens.".

As Minister of State at the Department of Defence, I welcome the opportunity to discuss this motion on reform of the triple lock mechanism and neutrality. As Members will likely be aware, the Tánaiste is in Lebanon today visiting the dedicated women and men of Óglaigh na hÉireann, who are currently serving in UNIFIL in south Lebanon. At the outset, I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge and thank all Defence Forces personnel who are currently serving overseas. I am very mindful of the sacrifice that they and indeed their families make in serving our countries in the interests of peace.

All of us recognise that the global security context has changed. We may differ in our views as to how we respond to the changing global security context, but all of us can agree that the world has changed considerably in recent years. Ireland is not immune from the changing global security context. We can see the international rules-based order that Ireland has advocated for and worked within since independence under considerable strain. In line with our fellow EU members and international partners we are obliged to take our security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever.

An agile, thoughtful, and considered foreign and defence policy is needed to meet the challenges that face us.

In respect of our own security, Ireland's policy of military neutrality can be characterised by our non-membership of military alliances, or common or mutual defence arrangements. Any neutral country has its own nuance. An example was given of one country that I would not necessarily accept. Every single country has its own nuance as to what its neutrality means. Ours has been characterised by non-membership of military alliances. This policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War. The Government is not changing this policy. To put it in simple terms, Ireland will not be joining NATO and, in line with Bunreacht na hÉireann, we would not adopt a decision taken by the European Council to establish a common defence. There has never been any such proposal and the EU is not a military alliance. However, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland's international security engagement, as well as our domestic efforts, to ensure the security of our country. I welcome the Social Democrats' commitment to increasing investment in our Defence Forces. The Government is certainly aligned with them on that.

The UN Security Council is not functioning properly. We cannot continue to deny that reality. As the House is aware, the five permanent members of the UN Security Council possess a veto power, which can prevent the adoption of resolutions by the UN. Crucially, this veto power allows permanent UN Security Council members, namely the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Russia and China, to prevent the authorisation of peace support mandates. In practice, even the threat of a veto is often enough to halt Council action. Ultimately, while other organs of the United Nations can make recommendations to member states, under the UN Charter, the Security Council alone has the power to take decisions that member states are obligated to implement. Ireland has consistently opposed the use of the veto, as demonstrated during our own term on the Security Council, where we witnessed its use several times. It is important that we address the reality.

I can provide the House with some recent examples. One of our most important initiatives on the Security Council was the proposal of a resolution on climate and security, effectively allowing climate to be discussed at the Security Council. This was an initiative co-led by us and Niger. It had the backing of 113 UN member states. It was vetoed by Russia. Since February 2022, Russia has used its veto power to stop action aimed at addressing the illegal war in Ukraine. Since October 2023, the US, China and Russia have exercised their vetoes in relation to the Middle East, including on resolutions concerning Palestine. If the Irish Government was on the Security Council now and tabled a motion on Palestine, almost certainly no matter what we said it would be vetoed by one or other of the permanent members. In February of this year, the US and Russia opposed a European-drafted resolution supporting Ukraine's territorial integrity and condemning the illegal and unjustified actions of Russia.

For my own part, I have direct experience in dealing with the power of the veto at the UN Security Council. I have direct experience of actually implementing the triple lock. In November 2022, I travelled to the UN Security Council to advocate for the renewal of Operation Althea, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Irish members of the Defence Forces serve. The experience demonstrated to me why reform of the triple lock is necessary and why it should not be at the core of Irish policy. I had no certainty that day as to whether Russia, or any other UN Security Council member, would veto the renewal of this peacekeeping mission. This is the whim of a foreign government, which Deputy Gannon has spoken about. That is the reality we face when we want to go to the UN Security Council. If this effort had failed, Ireland would have been required to withdraw its contingent from Operation Althea under the current triple lock provisions. It should be noted as well that even though there are only five members of the Defence Forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it does require a UN mandate. The 12 members provision applies to Dáil approval.

Deputies will join me in recognising Ireland's proud peacekeeping tradition. We want to ensure that this continues. We cannot simply allow this situation to persist where Russia, the illegal invader of Ukraine, has a veto over what we decide in this Dáil. I went to the Security Council just months after Russia had invaded Ukraine. That is the reality we face.

The programme for Government commits to reforming the triple lock legislation, while also ensuring that amendments to the legislation are in keeping with our values and policy of active military neutrality. Any proposed legislative change will remain fully consistent with the principles of the UN Charter, and international law.

I reject the statement made as Gaeilge by Deputy Gibney about an dlí idirnáisiúnta also. Conflict is impacting communities across the world and yet we have not seen a new UN peacekeeping or peace enforcement mission mandated since 2014. That is because of the veto. We need a mechanism where our own elected officials of Government and of this Dáil have the power to direct the dispatch of our Defence Forces personnel overseas. Our Constitution sets out that Ireland is a sovereign, independent, democratic state. Under the legislative proposals Ireland will make decisions about where Ireland sends its Defence Forces personnel. These will, of course, be in line with the principles of the UN Charter and international law, subject to Government and Dáil approval.

We are in no way disengaging from the UN. It is rather the opposite. The reputation of Ireland has been acknowledged by the Social Democrats in dealing with multilateralism and international bodies like the UN. That is thanks to Government policy over many decades, that of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael which are criticised all the time, and our diplomats who operate under our policy direction. We have always taken an active approach to global challenges and have made significant contributions to international peace and security.

Partnership has been at the heart of all our international engagement. We have always engaged constructively with our international partners in the UN. We are committed to working with our fellow EU member states through the EU's common security and defence policy, while acknowledging that defence policy is a matter for each individual member state. Every document on defence from the European Union talks about that.

The proposed new legislation governing how we dispatch our Defence Forces personnel overseas will be brought to this House and to the Seanad for debate. This debate will occur following pre-legislative scrutiny by the relevant Oireachtas committee, when the committees are established.

The Government's countermotion recognises the importance of these parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives in this Dáil of the people of Ireland, and not by Russia or China. That is the reality. I have faced that reality myself. The Government will ensure that our security and defence policy will continue to be shaped by military neutrality, coupled with active and principled membership of the EU, the UN, and other international forums.

Some of the statements on the European Union that the Social Democrats have put out this week are worthy of Nigel Farage. The European Union is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The statement by the Deputies opposite in the last few days about war-mongering and all of that could not be further from reality. It is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The Social Democrats' voters do not agree with them on this. Ireland has one of the highest levels of support for membership of the European Union. People can see the benefits in terms of peace, economic security and where we see our place in the world.

Ireland's commitment to the rules-based international order, and to multilateralism, has not changed but the world has changed. We are militarily neutral, but we are not indifferent. We are not immune to the challenges of the global security context. We must work to strengthen our place in Europe and around the world. We must reform aspects of our foreign and defence policy when circumstances change, while always holding true to our values and constitutional principles. The Government's motion reiterates our support for Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality and it sets out our commitment to continuing multilateralism, which we accept. The previous Government was clear that reform of the triple lock was needed. In November 2024, Ireland had a general election, and the subsequently agreed programme for Government committed to reform of this. I call on the House to support the Government's motion. I thank the Deputies for their engagement.

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