John Brady (Wicklow, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

My colleagues in Sinn Féin and I will be voting against the EU pact on migration and asylum. We do not believe that opting into this pact is in the best interests of Ireland. From the outset, the Government's approach to the area of immigration has been absolutely shambolic. It has consistently been found wanting, invariably scrambling to catch up on events as they are developing. The bottom line is, there has been no plan and there is no plan. Now, with the EU migration pact, the Government is attempting to crowbar Ireland's immigration problems into what it wrongly believes to be a catch-all solution, without any regard to the fact that Ireland's interests would be better served by exercising our sovereign right to develop our own individual responses to the immigration crisis when so doing would offer a better solution than the migration pact.

I find it difficult to believe, although I should not, that the Minister confirmed that she did not even consider that Ireland might adopt a more nuanced approach of opting into some areas and out of others. Like the rest of the Government, the Minister has failed to acknowledge that the majority of the EU migration pact simply is not in the interest of the Irish State.

Ireland has the right to choose to develop its own policies on migration. That does not put us at odds with the EU. It merely acknowledges Ireland’s sovereign right to take decisions in Ireland about matters that affect Ireland on the island of Ireland. Ireland’s position is unique and it is necessary to deal with the complexities that could arise from our common travel area with Britain. It allows the State to opt into elements of the migration pact that serve Ireland’s interests and opt out of those that do not serve our interests. This is the approach that Sinn Féin has advocated. If the Government is successful and the EU migration pact is adopted, then that is it: we are in it and there is nothing we can do about it. By remaining outside most of the pact we retain the flexibility and the agility to respond in real time in a way that is in Ireland’s best interests.

Ireland requires an immigration system which is fair, efficient and enforced. One that serves Ireland’s interests but that also maintains a human rights standard. A number of human rights organisations have brought forward serious concerns about the provisions of the migration pact. These include concerns around the potential for the detention of refugees for totally inadequate assessments and the welfare of vulnerable asylum seekers. I share those concerns. Ireland must play a stronger role in the international community in working to address the underlying issues driving migration across the globe. Ireland must regain its international voice. It must use the international moral standing of the Irish nation to demand that the international community gets real in addressing ongoing conflict and inequality and the impacts of climate change that are blighting large parts of the globe. Our history of neutrality and of struggle against colonial occupation gives Ireland a unique credibility among nations when it comes to speaking on these issues. The Government would do well to remember that when Ireland was elected to the UN Security Council, it was the votes of the non-aligned, island nations and former colonies that put us there. Sinn Féin is opposed to Ireland opting into the procedures regulation, the crisis and force majeure regulation, the qualifications directive, the reception conditions directive and the EU resettlement framework. The rationale for our opposition has already been outlined by my colleagues who have spoken earlier. However, Sinn Féin does support the measures that do make sense. We support the asylum migration management regulation, which would allow Ireland to return individuals who make asylum applications here to the first country where they have made a claim for international protection. We believe it is in our interests to be able to access the fingerprint database, which would allow the State to ensure that it has more information on those who do enter Ireland. This will aid in vetting processes, help in child trafficking cases and conducting checks and, where appropriate, to returning asylum seekers safely. The Eurodac regulation involves a database of the fingerprints of all asylum seekers who have registered in EU member states or associated states.

We have a broken immigration system. Our system is completely overwhelmed. This Government’s failure to introduce a fair, efficient and enforced immigration system has impacted on the social fabric of many communities across the State. The Government’s failure to enforce its own rules has allowed the numbers to continue rising at a completely unmanageable rate. In 2019 there were 4,781 international protection applications. By 2023, this had risen to 13,276. This year it seems as though the figures might surpass 20,000. Yet asylum applicants endure an average waiting time of just under 19 months for a decision. This most decidedly is not an efficient system. The whole thing appears to be something of a “whatever you’re having yourself” approach. There is evidence of haphazard enforcement of decisions when they are eventually reached. There is little or no follow-up and there is a reliance on failed applicants leaving the State voluntarily. The absence of oversight or verification is absolutely ridiculous. Over 11 years when Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were either in government together or providing active support to each other, some 10,622 deportation orders were issued and only 1,948 of those orders were enforced. That is a mere 18%. In 2022, when 928 deportation orders were issued only 52 of those were acted upon. In 2023, there were 80 deportations enforced of a total of 734 that were signed. It appears that the Government does not know where these unsuccessful applicants are: whether they are in the State and, if they are, where in the State they are. It does not compile that information.

The Government has failed to enforce its own policies or system of rules. It is a laissez-faireapproach where it appears that it is left to individuals to leave by themselves. This has created bottlenecks and has meant that a completely overwhelmed system does not serve the best interests of those who it was set up to serve. The single most damaging and shambolic aspect of the Government’s failed immigration strategy, however, has been its failure to communicate and consult with local communities. Most damaging of all is the way the Government has allowed the communications gap to be filled with lies, hate and prejudice. Sky News recently revealed that 56% of online content relating to one particular protest originated in the US with 10% in Britain and only 20% originated in this State. Responsibility for this lies firmly at the door of the Government. Communities require the Government to be honest with them about what is occurring in their midst. Instead, the Government has straight-out lied to communities, which has led to anger and resentment on the ground.

Ireland needs a fair, efficient and enforced system of immigration. We have the means to exercise our sovereignty and to act in the best interests of our own State and our own island, developing our own solutions to the unique character of the problems here. I have outlined the individual measures which are not in Ireland’s interests. We must oppose them. By ceding sovereignty to the EU on the issue of migration, the Government is moving to undermine the State’s capacity to effectively address the issue. That is why I, and my colleagues, will vote against the EU migration pact.

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