Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I am grateful for the opportunity to talk about the current state of the world, Ireland's place in the world and our country's policy of military neutrality.

Given the language used in the motion, it is useful to begin with an examination of what we mean when we talk about military neutrality. Simply put, our policy of military neutrality, as practised by successive Governments, means that Ireland does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. I have discussed this many times in the House and I am happy to clarify and put it on the record again. We have no plans to alter this policy. Our military neutrality means a great deal to a great many people. The history and instincts that inform it are important and valuable, and I understand that. Its birth was essentially the Second World War and the position of Éamon de Valera and the then Fianna Fáil Government to adopt a policy of neutrality on that occasion. It has evolved since then, particularly in the context of developing an independent foreign policy.

The fact that neutrality is and will remain our policy does not mean we can isolate ourselves from the international security environment we find ourselves in today. All of us, as serious-minded policymakers, must continue to observe and analyse the situation as it evolves and ensure that the application of our policies remains fit for purpose in changing circumstances. Ireland's foreign policy has always been grounded in the principles of international law, human rights, equality, respect, dialogue and engagement. We have correctly sought to position ourselves as a voice for good in the world, a champion of international humanitarian law, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, disarmament and non-proliferation and as a strong defender of a rules-based international order. I have not heard any of that in the contributions so far this morning. It has just been ignored. Deputies should look at our record over the last two to three decades in terms of our role internationally.

Most recently, this includes our role on the UN Security Council in pushing for humanitarian corridors in the most troubled parts of the world, in addition to peacekeeping. Our values must remain at the core of Irish foreign policy. The Irish people would expect nothing less from this or any Government.

There are many countries in the world with which Ireland shares similar values and whose foreign policy approaches are in keeping with our own. Some of these are members of military alliances or common defence arrangements and some are not. We work with any and all of them as the issue requires. A salient example of our close engagement with such partners happened just last week in the context of our recognition of the State of Palestine, together with Spain and Norway. We were right to do that in a co-ordinated way in terms of timing, co-ordination, impact, and in the context of the Arab peace vision.

The security of our people and country is one of the most important issues that any government must consider. I will talk about how this relates to our broader foreign policy and the reality of the world today. Across the globe and at home, Ireland and our EU partners face an increasingly challenging and contested security environment. Russia's illegal, immoral and ongoing invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 brought untold misery to countless Ukrainian citizens. It has had an impact in our country, which we discuss and debate here on a daily basis. It also shattered the collective European security architecture. In doing so, it brought home to many across Europe and beyond the cold hard reality of the world we live in today. In the same context, we know that Russia is demonstrating increasingly irresponsible behaviour beyond Ukraine, including through cyberattacks across the European Union. Russia and other foreign actors are also deliberately targeting European societies, including Ireland, with false and manipulated information. We need to call out these threats and work with partners to confront them.

In Europe’s southern neighbourhood, we continue to face a horrible and completely unjustifiable conflict in the Middle East which, again, is an issue that we discuss and debate here on a regular basis. The Government has been absolutely clear that this appalling war must stop. There must be an immediate ceasefire, the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages and a massive scaling up of humanitarian assistance. As we have repeatedly said, we urgently need a political pathway towards peace that leads to a two-state solution, which respects the right of self-determination of both Israel and Palestine. That is where I disagree with the Deputies opposite who want the dismantlement of the Israeli State. That will not bring peace either.

In Africa too, hunger and poverty continue to drive conflict, instability and displacement. It is an issue that is rarely discussed in the House, but it is massive in scale and a major factor in our security in Europe.

Faced with the reality of this security environment, we cannot afford to tie our hands, to isolate ourselves, or to ignore our responsibilities towards our own citizens, our fellow EU member states, or other friendly partners. The motion put forward by the People Before Profit-Solidarity group is therefore problematic for a number of reasons. First, it demonstrates a complete failure to understand the policy of military neutrality. As I said, this means that Ireland does not participate in military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements. As implemented, it reflects our security policies and the interests of the State. The motion by People Before Profit and the remarks by some in the Opposition regarding the proposed amending of the triple lock are also deliberately erroneous, misleading and dishonest. There is no implication whatsoever for Irish military neutrality in the amendment of the triple lock.

See this speech in context