Alan Farrell (Dublin Fingal, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I am happy to share with Deputy Lahart. I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important matter. I am vice-chair of and a proud participant in the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly. It is important, when speaking to our colleagues in the North and across the water, that we recognise our shared future. The restoration of power-sharing in Northern Ireland is such a positive development because the power-sharing authority is there to serve the people.

Deputy McAuliffe commented on the potential for further collapsing of Stormont. That would serve no one and therefore a changing of the way Stormont is constituted is entirely necessary. I do not think any political party or group in Northern Ireland should have the right to suspend democracy for the variety of reasons we have seen. As the Deputy said, it has not sat for over 40% of the time. It certainly has been for more than a decade although I cannot remember the precise number. That is unacceptable because power-sharing is key to delivering lasting peace and to building on all the public services the Assembly is responsible for. Without an operational power-sharing arrangement, we will see a continuation of the paralysis that has afflicted Northern Ireland for the past two years. It overwhelms and overshadows the vast majority of public representatives and parties who want to work the system as best they can on behalf of the electorate. It is in everyone's interests to see power-sharing succeed and Northern Ireland flourish, particularly for the people themselves. They want leaders who will deliver comprehensive policy solutions to the challenges facing their communities daily.

We must recognise the pressures the institutions of Northern Ireland face, particularly given that, in contrast to the Irish economy, the British economy is not doing well and, on that basis, I understand there are a number of cuts coming. That is very unfortunate but it shows the importance of insulating the public against such cuts, which could have been done over the past 18 months or so but has not.

Since the establishment of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland's key institutions have been dormant approximately 40% of the time. This poses a significant challenge for the governing institutions, which are best placed to deal with day-to-day issues. The stability and sustainability of Stormont's operation is critical in the time coming. I know the Taoiseach and Tánaiste have engaged extensively with counterparts in Northern Ireland during the lifespan of this Government and that must be continued through the duration of this Dáil and beyond.

A timely reconvening of the North-South Ministerial Council will also play an important role in enhancing our ability to react and adapt in a coherent and impactful manner to the issues that lie ahead of us.

It is often tempting to discuss Northern Ireland in terms of what has been done. While it is vital we reflect on and understand that history, we must not do so to the neglect of discussing what can be. The Good Friday Agreement began the process of focusing on what can be achieved working together and I believe that working in tandem we can continue growth in trade, tourism and development across the Border. Harnessing the potential of people on both sides of the Border will grow businesses, improve infrastructure and lead to more dynamic innovation responses to some of the biggest challenges facing our island and the wider world. There are a number of shared infrastructural components of the island, including our energy grid and interconnectors. It is important that work progresses to ensure we deliver on our collective commitments to the planet.

In years to come, we will have opportunity to further those infrastructural links between North and South. The Euro 2028 competition will be held in both parts of the island and is something I look forward to. It gives us an opportunity to co-operate, particularly on transport links between communities, which is one example of the benefits we can see.

It would be remiss of me not to mention my deep concern about the United Kingdom's legacy Act, which is an insult to the victims of violence in Northern Ireland and actively seeks to deny justice for those victims. If we are ever to close the circle of history, we must have justice and accountability on all sides for the crimes committed during some of the darkest days of Northern Ireland's history.

I recognise the recent comments of Peter Hain, former Northern Ireland secretary in the UK, who has voiced concern that there are attempts under way on behalf of the British state to effectively run down the clock on current legacy inquests taking place in Northern Ireland under the legacy Act which will lapse on 1 May. We must do everything in our power to influence that process.

It is incumbent upon us in public life, whether we identity as nationalist, unionist, British, Irish or Northern Irish, to provide for and build a society that gives people hope for a better future and a more prosperous and peaceful society that recognises differences and overcomes the challenge of history. That will ensure that never again will we allow the barrel of a gun to dictate the future of any person on this island.

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